tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-97523762024-02-06T21:34:01.741-08:00Middle East Academic ForumThis is an academic site designed for students of International law, International Relations and political science.
BY: Ali-Asghar KazemiAnonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.comBlogger104125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-1134203859361193112016-03-10T01:47:00.000-08:002015-12-20T06:49:57.898-08:00General Index<div align="center">
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><i><b>Ali Asghar Kazemi</b></i></td></tr>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana";"><b><span style="color: #000099;"><span style="font-size: 130%;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="color: #000066; font-size: x-large;">Ali Asghar Kazemi </span></span> </span></span></b></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana";"> <span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="color: #20124d;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b><span style="color: #3366ff; font-size: 78%;"><i>Professor of International Law</i></span></b></span></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 130%;"><b><span style="font-family: "arial";"><span style="color: #333399;"><span style="font-size: 180%;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman";"></span></span></span></span></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: "arial";"><span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><b><i><span style="color: #20124d;"><span style="font-size: large;">Profile: <a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/12/ali-asghar-kazemi-profile.html">English</a> - <a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/blog-post.html">Persian</a></span></span></i></b></span></span></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><span style="font-family: "arial";"><span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><b><i><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2013_05_01_archive.html"><span style="color: #20124d;">Photo-Album </span></a></span></span> </i></b></span></span></span></div>
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<b><i><span style="color: #990000; font-family: "times new roman";">_____________</span></i></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><span style="font-size: 130%;"><span style="font-family: "arial";"><span style="color: #990000;"><span style="font-size: 130%;"><b face="georgia" style="color: #000066; font-family: georgia; font-weight: normal;">Related Sites</b></span></span></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="color: blue;"><span style="font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.stradiskaz.blogspot.com/" target="_blank"><i><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Methodology </span></i></a></span></span><br />
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<span style="color: blue;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-size: large;"> <a href="http://www.stradis.blogspot.com/"><i><b>Strategic Discourse</b></i></a></span><i> </i></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: blue;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://scholarforum.blogspot.com/"><b><i>Scholar e-Journ</i></b></a><b><i><a href="mailto:aakazemi@hotmail.com" target="_blank">al</a></i></b></span></span><br />
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<span style="color: blue;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b><i><a href="http://igsfor.blogspot.com/">Graduate Students' Forum </a></i></b></span></span><br />
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<span style="color: #990000; font-size: 130%;"><i>Most Recent Posts</i></span></div>
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<b><i><span style="color: #3333ff; font-size: 85%;"><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/12/strategic-discourse-index.html">By subjects and Dates</a></span></i></b> </div>
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<b><i><a href="https://sites.google.com/site/strategicdiscoursesite/home/mqalat-bh-zban-farsy">Articles in Persian pdf</a></i></b></div>
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<a href="https://srbiau.academia.edu/AliAsgharKazemi"><i>Articles in <b>academia.edu</b> pdf </i></a><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></h5>
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<span style="font-size: large;"> List of papers and Articles: By Subjects </span></h5>
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<b><span style="font-size: large;"> </span></b></h5>
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<b><span style="font-size: small;">General</span></b><br />
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<ul>
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/search?updated-min=2011-01-01T00:00:00-08:00&updated-max=2012-01-01T00:00:00-08:00&max-results=19"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"> <span style="line-height: 115%;">Reflection on Time, Space and Being in a New Context</span></span></span></a></li>
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<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/10/crisis-of-governance-and-new-generation.html">Crisis of Governance and new Generation of World Leaders</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://scholarforum.blogspot.com/2008/01/global-context-of-knowledge.html">The Global Context of Knowledge</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://bitterlemons-international.org/inside.php?id=833">Shadow of a new Cold War</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/01/new-cold-war-3.html">The New Cold War (3)</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/01/new-cold-war-2.html">The New Cold War (2)</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/12/battleground-of-new-cold-war1.html">The Battleground of a New Cold War(1)</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/art-of-living-in-terror.html">The Art of Living in Terror</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/05/logic-of-war-against-taliban-and.html">The Logic of War against Taliban and Talibanism</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/03/legality-of-icc-action-against-sudan.html">Legality of ICC Action against Sudan President</a><span style="font-size: small;"> </span></li>
</ul>
<ul id="recently" style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2011/02/power-of-people-plus-media.html">The Power of People plus Media</a></li>
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2011/02/quantum-politics-new-methodological.html">Quantum Politics: New Methodological Perspective</a></li>
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2011/01/normal-0-false-false-false-en-us-x-none.html">Dynamic versus Static Political Inquiry </a></li>
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/12/rise-of-guardian-state-1.html"><b><i>*<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"> </span></span></i></b><i><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">The Rise of the Guardian State (1) </span></span></i></a></li>
<li><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><b><i> </i></b>*<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/12/guardian-state-2.html"><i>The Guardian State (2) </i></a></span></span></li>
<li><b><i> </i></b><a href="http://scholarforum.blogspot.com/2005/12/guardian-state-3.html">* The Guardian State (3)</a>
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<span style="font-size: small;">Iran-US Relations</span></h5>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/04/prospects-for-iran-us-negotiations.html">Prospects for Iran-US Negotiations</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/strategic-implications-of-nobel-peace.html">Strategic Implications of Nobel Peace Prize for Obama</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/02/us-democrats-are-pushing-iran-to-corner.html">US Democrats are Pushing Iran to the Corner</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/01/obama-and-world-of-expectations.html">Obama and a World of Expectations</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/01/iran-us-relationsfrom-enmity-to-rivalry.html">Iran-US Relations: From Enmity to Rivalry</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/11/barack-obama-and-iran.html">Barack Obama and Iran (After Election)</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/06/obama-on-footsteps-of-white-house.html">Obama: On the Footsteps of the White House!</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/05/diplomacy-and-subversion-iran-us.html">Diplomacy and Subversion: Iran-US Dialogue</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/11/iran-and-us-democrats.html">Iran and U.S. Democrats</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/12/us-sanctions-against-academics.html">US Sanctions against Academics</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/06/whos-dialogue.html">Who's Dialogue? Iran-U.S. Hostile Flirt</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/russian-connection.html">The Russian Connection</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/obama-between-idealism-and-realism.html">Obama: Between Idealism and Realism</a> </li>
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<span style="font-size: small;">Middle East</span></h5>
<ul id="recently" style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2011/01/crisis-proliferation-in-middle-east.html">Crisis Proliferation in the Middle East</a></li>
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2011/01/tunisia-crisis-turned-into-revolution.html">Tunisia Crisis Turned into a Revolution</a></li>
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2011/01/tunisia-crisis-call-for-change-in.html">Tunisia Crisis: A Call for Change in the Middle East</a></li>
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<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/03/strategic-games-in-middle-east.html">Strategic Games in the Middle East</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/01/strategic-implications-of-gaza-conflict.html">Strategic Implications of the Gaza Conflict</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/10/dimensions-of-us-economic-crisis.html">US Economic Crisis and the Middle East</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/11/hope-for-middle-east-peace.html">Hope for Middle East Peace</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/05/common-sense-strategy.html">Common Sense Strategy: US and the Middle East </a></li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/mid-east-crisis-outcome.html">Mid-East Crisis Outcome...</a></li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/05/message-of-preemptive-strike.html">Message of the Preemptive Strike on Syria</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/illusion-of-greater-middle-east.html">The Illusion of the "Greater Middle East"</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/middle-east-crisis-cosequences.html">Middle East Crisis Consequences</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/iran-and-middle-east-crisis-qa.html">Iran and the Middle East Crisis( Q&A)</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/11/fate-of-dictator.html">The Fate of a Dictator</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/middle-east-new-turmoil.html">Middle East New Turmoil...</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://www.bitterlemons-international.org/inside.php?id=679">Bush's Agenda for Victory</a> </li>
<li><a href="https://www.academia.edu/7665413/If_Iraq_Falls_Apart_A_worst_case_scenario">The Shadow of Terror over Iraq</a> </li>
<a href="https://www.academia.edu/7665413/If_Iraq_Falls_Apart_A_worst_case_scenario">
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<li><a href="https://www.academia.edu/7665413/If_Iraq_Falls_Apart_A_worst_case_scenario">If Iraq Falls Apart:A Worst Case Scenario</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/01/wmd-proliferation-in-middle-east.html">Strategic Implications of WMD Proliferation in the Middle East </a></li>
<li><a href="http://localhost:1094/Homesteads/_13299637/files/Security_Arrangement_in_the_Persian_Gulf.pdf">Security Dilemma and Threat perception in the Persian Gulf</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://www.akazemi.homestead.com/files/Kazemiedited.pdf">The Legality of U.S. Armed Intervention...</a> </li>
</ul>
<ul id="recently" style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2011/01/crisis-proliferation-in-middle-east.html">Crisis Proliferation in the Middle East</a></li>
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2011/01/tunisia-crisis-turned-into-revolution.html">Tunisia Crisis Turned into a Revolution</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2011/02/un-security-council-has-duty-to.html">UN Security Council has the Duty to Liberate Libya...</a></li>
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2011/02/birth-of-new-middle-east.html">The Birth of a New Middle East</a><span style="font-size: small;"> </span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: small;"> <a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2011/04/wider-implications-of-military.html">The Wider Implications of Military Intervention in Libya</a></span></li>
</ul>
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<span style="font-size: small;">Nuclear Issues</span></h6>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2010/12/irans-nuclear-issue-beyond-conventional.html">Iran's Nuclear Issue: Beyond Conventional Wisdom </a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.bitterlemons-international.org/inside.php?id=632">The Nuclear Syndrome</a></li>
</ul>
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<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/06/iran-at-critical-crossroads.html">Iran at a Critical Crossroads</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/12/nuclear-crisis-is-not-over.html">Iran's Nuclear Crisis is not over</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/04/beyond-conventional-wisdom.html">Beyond Conventional Wisdom!</a> <a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/04/beyond-conventional-wisdom.html">The Logic of Iran's Defiance</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/12/iran-facing-un-sanctions.html">Iran Facing UN Sanctions</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/06/iranthe-new-parliament-and-nuclear-case.html">Iran: The New Parliament and the Nuclear Case</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/iran-deadline-defiance-and-denial.html">Iran: Deadline, Defiance and Denial</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/iran-heading-for-un-sanctionsqa.html">Iran: Heading for UN Sanctions</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/02/nuclear-delusion-and-public-jubilation.html">Nuclear Delusion and Public Jubilation!</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://bitterlemons-international.org/inside.php?id=871">NIE Report and Iran's Nuclear Challenge</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/iran-testing-wests-resolve.html">Iran Testing West's Resolve on Nuclear Issue </a></li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/04/irans-nuclear-euphoria.html">Iran's Nuclear Euphoria</a> </li>
</ul>
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<span style="font-size: small;">Political and Social Issues</span> </h5>
<ul id="recently">
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2013/06/obstacles-on-way-of-iran-new-president.html">Obstacles on the Way of Iran New President</a></li>
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2013/06/iran-hope-for-moderation-and-rationality.html">Iran: Hope for Moderation and Rationality !</a></li>
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<li><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-weight: normal;"><a href="http://scholarforum.blogspot.com/2009/04/reform-vs-revolution.html"> Iran: Reform vs. Revolution</a> </span><br />
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<li><span style="font-weight: normal;"> </span><span style="font-weight: normal;"><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/05/iran-elections-and-political-apathy.html"> Iran: Elections and Political Apathy</a></span></li>
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<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/04/iran-national-interests-victim-of-blind.html">Iran National Interests Victim of Blind Radicalism </a></li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/06/irans-elections-2009.html">Iran's Elections 2009: The End of peaceful democratic Reforms</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/05/who-should-be-next-president-in-iran.html">Who should be the Next President in Iran</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/02/dilemma-of-iran-next-president.html">Dilemma of Iran's Next President</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/06/iran-corruption-scandal-and-political.html">Iran: Corruption Scandal and Political Campaign</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/04/iran-affluence-amid-poverty.html">Iran: Affluence amid Poverty</a> </li>
<li> <a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/04/irans-selective-elections.html">Iran's Selective Elections</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/02/iran-s-revolution-and-military-in.html">Iran's Revolution and Military in Politics</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/02/iran-new-space-partner.html">Iran: New Space Partner</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/01/iran-political-impact-of-cold.html">Iran: Political Impact of the Cold</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/01/persian-hypocrisy.html">The Persian Hypocrisy(3)</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/12/politics-and-hypocrisy.html">Politics and Hypocrisy (2)</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/12/politics-and-hypocrisy-ali-asghar.html">Politics and Hypocrisy</a> (1) </li>
<li><a href="http://paxpersica.blogspot.com/2007/08/pax-persica-remembered.html">Pax Persica Remembered</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://paxpersica.blogspot.com/2007/08/pax-persica-remembered.html">The Political Will of the Persian King</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/third-generation-of-irans-revolution.html">The Third Generation of Iran's Revolution </a></li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/04/dream-of-pax-persica_114542462418912640.html">The Dream of "Pax Persica"</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/towards-secular-nationalism-in-iran.html">Towards “Secular Nationalism” in Iran</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/iran-islamization-vs-secularization.html">Iran: Islamization vs. Secularization</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/iran-islam-and-secular-social-sciences.html">Iran, Islam, and Secular Social Sciences</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/iran-roots-of-post-elections-crisis.html">Iran: Roots of the Post-Elections Crisis</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/rise-of-new-nationalism-in-iran.html">Rise of "New Nationalism" in Iran</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/struggling-in-two-fronts-for-survival.html">Struggling on two Fronts for Survival</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/09/irans-national-security-and-nuclear.html">Iran's National Security and the Nuclear Gamble</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/09/irans-post-election-political.html">Iran's Post-Elections Political Environment</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://ijlap.blogspot.com/search?updated-min=2014-01-01T00:00:00-08:00&updated-max=2015-01-01T00:00:00-08:00&max-results=1"><span class="st"></span></a>
</li>
</ul>
<h5 style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small;">Foreign Policy and Strategy</span></h5>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2011/04/iran-should-avoid-tension-in-persian.html">Iran Should Avoid Tension in the Persian Gulf</a></li>
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2010/12/fate-of-irans-nuclear-issue-in-2011.html">The Fate of Iran’s Nuclear Issue in 2011</a></li>
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2010/12/political-constraints-of-irans-economic.html">Political Constraints of Iran’s Economic Reform </a> </li>
</ul>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/irans-foreign-policy.html">Iran's Foreign Policy: The New Conservative Phase</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/03/dilemma-of-irans-foreign-policy.html">The Dilemma of Iran's Foreign Policy...</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/06/iran-us-dialogue.html">Iran-U.S. Dialogue: Exhaustion of Diplomatic Remedies</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://www.akazemi.homestead.com/files/Iran_s_Nuclear_Gamble__Boldness_vs.Prudence.pdf">Iran's Nuclear Gamble:Boldness vs.Prudence</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/03/iran-moment-of-truth.html">Iran: The Moment of Truth</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/06/iran-us-dialogue.html">Iran-U.S. Dialogue</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/04/strategy-of-asymmetric-war.html">Strategy of Asymmetric War</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/hidden-message-of-irans-letter-to-us.html">The Hidden Message of Iran's Letter to U.S. President</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/letter-to-great-satan.html">A Letter to the "Great Satan"</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.ae/2004/06/irans-quest-for-regional-hegemony.html">Iran's Quest for Regional Hegemony</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/12/iran-preparing-for-soft-war.html">Iran: Preparing for “Soft War”</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/iran-beating-war-drum.html">Iran, Beating the War Drums!</a> </li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li><h5 style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-weight: normal;"><a href="http://ijlap.blogspot.com/search?updated-min=2014-01-01T00:00:00-08:00&updated-max=2015-01-01T00:00:00-08:00&max-results=1"><span class="st">Peace through Deception: The Iran-Iraq Correspondence</span></a> </span><span style="font-weight: normal;"> </span></span> </span></h5>
</li>
</ul>
<h5 style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small;">Articles en Français</span></h5>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/09/liran-et-le-dfit-nuclaire.html">L’Iran et le Défit Nucléaire</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/la-crise-de-moyen-orient.html">La crise de Moyen-Orient...</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/liran-vers-les-sanctios-de-lonu-qr.html">L'Iran: vers les sanctions de l'ONU</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/lart-de-vivre-en-terreur.html">L'Art de Vivre en Terror</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/lillusion-dunouveau-moyen-orient.html">L'Illusion du " Nouveau Moyen-Orient"</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/consquences-de-crise-de-moyen-orient.html">Conséquences de crise de Moyen-Orient</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/liran-et-la-crise-du-moyen-orientqr_22.html">L'Iran et la Crise du Moyen-Orient (Q&R</a>) </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/nouvelles-agitations-en-moyen-orient.html">Nouvelles agitations en Moyen-Orient...</a> </li>
</ul>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/preuve-de-louest-sur-la-question.html">Épreuve de l’ouest sur la question nucléaire d’Iran</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/liran-et-la-troisime-gnration-de-la.html">L’Iran et la Troisième Génération de la Révolution</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/06/quel-dialogue-irano-amricain-flirt.html">Quel dialogue? Irano- Américain Flirt Hostile</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/06/le-dialogue-irano-amricain_01.html">Le Dialogue Irano Américain: Épuisement des remèdes </a>diplomatiques </li>
</ul>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/stratgie-de-guerre-asymtrique-les.html">Stratégie de guerre asymétrique</a><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/03/liran-le-moment-de-la-vrit.html">L'Iran: Le moment de la vérité</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/la-politique-trangre-de-liran.html">La politique étrangère de l'Iran</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/le-message-cach-de-la-lettre-de-liran.html">Le message caché de la lettre de l'Iran aux États-Unis</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/une-lettre-au-grand-satan.html">Une Letter au "Grand Satan</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/04/euphorie-nuclaire-de-liran.html">Euphorie Nucléaire de l'Iran...</a><a href="http://paxpersica.blogspot.com/2006/04/le-rve-de-pax-persica.html">Le rêve de "Pax Persica"</a> </li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<h5 style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: large;">Articles Sorted by Dates</span></h5>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/12/iran-preparing-for-soft-war.html">Iran: Preparing for “Soft War”</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/iran-beating-war-drum.html">Iran, Beating the War Drums!</a> </li>
</ul>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/russian-connection.html">The Russian Connection</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/obama-between-idealism-and-realism.html">Obama: Between Idealism and Realism</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/towards-secular-nationalism-in-iran.html">Towards “Secular Nationalism” in Iran</a> </li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/iran-islamization-vs-secularization.html">Iran: Islamization vs. Secularization</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/iran-islam-and-secular-social-sciences.html">Iran, Islam, and Secular Social Sciences</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/iran-roots-of-post-elections-crisis.html">Iran: Roots of the Post-Elections Crisis</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/rise-of-new-nationalism-in-iran.html">Rise of "New Nationalism" in Iran</a> </li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/strategic-implications-of-nobel-peace.html">Strategic Implications of Nobel Peace Prize for Obama</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/struggling-in-two-fronts-for-survival.html">Struggling in two Fronts for Survival</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/09/irans-national-security-and-nuclear.html">Iran's National Security and the Nuclear Gamble</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/09/irans-post-election-political.html">Iran's Post-Elections Political Environment</a> </li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/06/irans-elections-2009.html">Iran's Elections 2009: The End of peaceful democratic Reforms</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/05/who-should-be-next-president-in-iran.html">Who should be the Next President in Iran</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/05/logic-of-war-against-taliban-and.html">The Logic of War against Taliban and Talibanism</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/05/iran-elections-and-political-apathy.html">Iran: Elections and Political Apathy</a> </li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/04/iran-national-interests-victim-of-blind.html">Iran National Interests Victim of Blind Radicalism </a></li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/04/prospects-for-iran-us-negotiations.html">Prospects for Iran-US Negotiations</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/03/legality-of-icc-action-against-sudan.html">Legality of ICC Action against Sudan President</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/03/strategic-games-in-middle-east.html">Strategic Games in the Middle East</a> </li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/02/dilemma-of-iran-next-president.html">Dilemma of Iran's Next President</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/02/us-democrats-are-pushing-iran-to-corner.html">US Democrats are Pushing Iran to the Corner</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/01/obama-and-world-of-expectations.html">Obama and a World of Expectations</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/01/strategic-implications-of-gaza-conflict.html">Strategic Implications of the Gaza Conflict</a> </li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/01/iran-us-relationsfrom-enmity-to-rivalry.html">Iran-US Relations: From Enmity to Rivalry</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/11/barack-obama-and-iran.html">Barack Obama and Iran (After Election)</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://www.blogger.com/Crisis%20of%20Governance%20and%20new%20Generation%20of%20World%20L...">Crisis of Governance and new Generation of World Leaders</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/10/dimensions-of-us-economic-crisis.html">US Economic Crisis and the Middle East</a> </li>
<li></li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/06/iran-at-critical-crossroads.html">Iran at a Critical Crossroads</a><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/mid-east-crisis-outcome.html"></a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/06/obama-on-footsteps-of-white-house.html">Obama: On the Footsteps of the White House!</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/06/iranthe-new-parliament-and-nuclear-case.html">Iran: The New Parliament and the Nuclear Case</a> </li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/05/message-of-preemptive-strike.html">Message of the Preemptive Strike on Syria</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/04/iran-affluence-amid-poverty.html">Iran: Affluence amid Poverty</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/04/irans-selective-elections.html">Iran's Selective Elections</a> </li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/02/nuclear-delusion-and-public-jubilation.html">Nuclear Delusion and Public Jubilation!</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/02/iran-s-revolution-and-military-in.html">Iran's Revolution and Military in Politics</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/02/iran-new-space-partner.html">Iran: New Space Partner</a> </li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://bitterlemons-international.org/inside.php?id=871">NIE Report and Iran's Nuclear Challenge</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://scholarforum.blogspot.com/2008/01/global-context-of-knowledge.html">The Global Context of Knowledge</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/01/iran-political-impact-of-cold.html">Iran: Political Impact of the Cold</a> </li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/01/persian-hypocrisy.html">The Persian Hypocrisy(3)</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/12/politics-and-hypocrisy.html">Politics and Hypocrisy (2)</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/12/politics-and-hypocrisy-ali-asghar.html">Politics and Hypocrisy</a> (1) </li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/12/nuclear-crisis-is-not-over.html">Iran's Nuclear Crisis is not over</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/12/us-sanctions-against-academics.html">US Sanctions against Academics</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/11/hope-for-middle-east-peace.html">Hope for Middle East Peace</a> </li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://bitterlemons-international.org/inside.php?id=833">Shadow of a new Cold War</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://paxpersica.blogspot.com/2007/08/pax-persica-remembered.html">Pax Persica Remembered</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://paxpersica.blogspot.com/2007/08/pax-persica-remembered.html">The Political Will of the Persian King</a> </li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/05/diplomacy-and-subversion-iran-us.html">Diplomacy and Subversion: Iran-US Dialogue</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/05/common-sense-strategy.html">Common Sense Strategy: US and the Middle East</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/04/beyond-conventional-wisdom.html">Beyond Conventional Wisdom!</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/04/beyond-conventional-wisdom.html">The Logic of Iran's Defiance</a> </li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/01/new-cold-war-3.html">The New Cold War (3)</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/01/new-cold-war-2.html">The New Cold War (2)</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/12/battleground-of-new-cold-war1.html">The Battleground of a New Cold War(1)</a> </li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<ul style="text-align: justify;">
<li><a href="http://www.bitterlemons-international.org/inside.php?id=679">Bush's Agenda for Victory</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/12/iran-facing-un-sanctions.html">Iran Facing UN Sanctions</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/11/iran-and-us-democrats.html">Iran and U.S. Democrats</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/11/fate-of-dictator.html">The Fate of a Dictator</a> </li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
_<br />
<div align="center">
<b><span style="font-size: 130%;"><i> Recent Posts: </i></span></b><b><span style="font-size: 130%;"><i>English & French</i></span></b></div>
<div align="center">
<b><i><span style="font-size: 130%;"></span></i></b></div>
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<b><i><span style="font-size: 130%;"></span></i></b></div>
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</div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/12/iran-preparing-for-soft-war.html">Iran: Preparing for “Soft War”</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/iran-beating-war-drum.html">Iran, Beating the War Drums!</a> </div>
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* * *</div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/russian-connection.html">The Russian Connection</a> </div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/obama-between-idealism-and-realism.html">Obama: Between Idealism and Realism</a> </div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/towards-secular-nationalism-in-iran.html">Towards “Secular Nationalism” in Iran</a> </div>
<div align="center">
* * *</div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/iran-islamization-vs-secularization.html">Iran: Islamization vs. Secularization</a> </div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/iran-islam-and-secular-social-sciences.html">Iran, Islam, and Secular Social Sciences</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/iran-roots-of-post-elections-crisis.html">Iran: Roots of the Post-Elections Crisis</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/rise-of-new-nationalism-in-iran.html">Rise of "New Nationalism" in Iran</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/strategic-implications-of-nobel-peace.html">Strategic Implications of Nobel Peace Prize for Obama</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/struggling-in-two-fronts-for-survival.html">Struggling in two Fronts for Survival</a></div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/09/irans-national-security-and-nuclear.html">Iran's National Security and the Nuclear Gamble</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/09/irans-post-election-political.html">Iran's Post-Elections Political Environment</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/06/irans-elections-2009.html">Iran's Elections 2009: The End of peaceful democratic Reforms</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/05/who-should-be-next-president-in-iran.html">Who should be the Next President in Iran</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/05/logic-of-war-against-taliban-and.html">The Logic of War against Taliban and Talibanism</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/05/iran-elections-and-political-apathy.html">Iran: Elections and Political Apathy</a> </div>
<div align="center">
* * *</div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/04/iran-national-interests-victim-of-blind.html">Iran National Interests Victim of Blind Radicalism </a></div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/04/prospects-for-iran-us-negotiations.html">Prospects for Iran-US Negotiations</a></div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/03/legality-of-icc-action-against-sudan.html">Legality of ICC Action against Sudan President</a></div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/03/strategic-games-in-middle-east.html">Strategic Games in the Middle East</a></div>
<div align="center">
* * *</div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/02/dilemma-of-iran-next-president.html">Dilemma of Iran's Next President</a></div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/02/us-democrats-are-pushing-iran-to-corner.html">US Democrats are Pushing Iran to the Corner</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/01/obama-and-world-of-expectations.html">Obama and a World of Expectations</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/01/strategic-implications-of-gaza-conflict.html">Strategic Implications of the Gaza Conflict</a> </div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center">
* * * </div>
<div align="center">
<br /></div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/01/iran-us-relationsfrom-enmity-to-rivalry.html">Iran-US Relations: From Enmity to Rivalry</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/11/barack-obama-and-iran.html">Barack Obama and Iran (After Election)</a></div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/10/crisis-of-governance-and-new-generation.html">Crisis of Governance and new Generation of World Leaders</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/10/dimensions-of-us-economic-crisis.html">US Economic Crisis and the Middle East</a></div>
<div align="center">
<br /></div>
<div align="center">
* * *</div>
<div align="center">
<br /></div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/06/iran-corruption-scandal-and-political.html">Iran: Corruption Scandal and Political Campaign</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/06/iran-at-critical-crossroads.html">Iran at a Critical Crossroads</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/06/obama-on-footsteps-of-white-house.html">Obama: On the Footsteps of the White House!</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/06/iranthe-new-parliament-and-nuclear-case.html">Iran: The New Parliament and the Nuclear Case</a> </div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center">
* * *<br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/05/message-of-preemptive-strike.html">Message of the Preemptive Strike on Syria</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/04/iran-affluence-amid-poverty.html">Iran: Affluence amid Poverty</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/04/irans-selective-elections.html">Iran's Selective Elections</a> </div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center">
* * *</div>
<div align="center">
<br /></div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/02/nuclear-delusion-and-public-jubilation.html">Nuclear Delusion and Public Jubilation!</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/02/iran-s-revolution-and-military-in.html">Iran's Revolution and Military in Politics</a></div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/02/iran-new-space-partner.html">Iran: New Space Partner</a></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center">
* * * </div>
<div align="center">
<br /></div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/stratgie-de-guerre-asymtrique-les.html">Iran's Quest for Regional Hegemony</a></div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://bitterlemons-international.org/inside.php?id=871">NIE Report and Iran's Nuclear Challenge</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://scholarforum.blogspot.com/2008/01/global-context-of-knowledge.html">The Global Context of Knowledge</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/01/iran-political-impact-of-cold.html">Iran: Political Impact of the Cold</a> </div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center">
* * * </div>
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<br /></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/01/persian-hypocrisy.html">The Persian Hypocrisy(3)</a> </div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/12/politics-and-hypocrisy.html">Politics and Hypocrisy (2)</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/12/politics-and-hypocrisy-ali-asghar.html">Politics and Hypocrisy</a> (1) </div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center">
* * *</div>
<div align="center">
<br /></div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/12/nuclear-crisis-is-not-over.html">Iran's Nuclear Crisis is not over</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/12/us-sanctions-against-academics.html">US Sanctions against Academics</a> </div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/11/hope-for-middle-east-peace.html">Hope for Middle East Peace</a> </div>
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<br /></div>
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* * *</div>
<div align="center">
<br /></div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://bitterlemons-international.org/inside.php?id=833">Shadow of a new Cold War</a></div>
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<a href="http://paxpersica.blogspot.com/2007/08/pax-persica-remembered.html">Pax Persica Remembered</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://paxpersica.blogspot.com/2007/08/pax-persica-remembered.html">The Political Will of the Persian King</a> </div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center">
* * * </div>
<div align="center">
<br /></div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/05/diplomacy-and-subversion-iran-us.html">Diplomacy and Subversion: Iran-US Dialogue</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/05/common-sense-strategy.html">Common Sense Strategy: US and the Middle East </a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/04/beyond-conventional-wisdom.html">Beyond Conventional Wisdom!</a> <a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/04/beyond-conventional-wisdom.html">The Logic of Iran's Defiance</a></div>
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<br /></div>
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* * * </div>
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<br /></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/01/new-cold-war-3.html">The New Cold War (3)</a> </div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/01/new-cold-war-2.html">The New Cold War (2)</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/12/battleground-of-new-cold-war1.html">The Battleground of a New Cold War(1)</a> </div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center">
* * *</div>
<div align="center">
<br /></div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://www.bitterlemons-international.org/inside.php?id=679">Bush's Agenda for Victory</a> </div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/12/iran-facing-un-sanctions.html">Iran Facing UN Sanctions</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/11/iran-and-us-democrats.html">Iran and U.S. Democrats</a> </div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/11/fate-of-dictator.html">The Fate of a Dictator </a> </div>
<h4 align="center" style="color: #0c343d;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><i> </i></span></h4>
<h4 align="center" style="color: #0c343d;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><i>PreviousPosts: </i></span></h4>
<h4 align="center">
<i>English</i></h4>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/iran-deadline-defiance-and-denial.html">Iran: Deadline, Defiance and Denial</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/mid-east-crisis-outcome.html">Mid-East Crisis Outcome...</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/iran-heading-for-un-sanctionsqa.html">Iran: Heading for UN Sanctions</a><br />
* * * *<br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/art-of-living-in-terror.html">The Art of Living in Terror</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/illusion-of-greater-middle-east.html">The Illusion of the "Greater Middle East"</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/middle-east-crisis-cosequences.html">Middle East Crisis Consequences</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/iran-and-middle-east-crisis-qa.html">Iran and the Middle East Crisis( Q&A)</a><br />
* * *<br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/middle-east-new-turmoil.html">Middle East New Turmoil...</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/iran-testing-wests-resolve.html">Iran Testing West's Resolve on Nuclear Issue </a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/third-generation-of-irans-revolution.html">The Third Generation of Iran's Revolution </a></div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/06/whos-dialogue.html">Who's Dialogue? Iran-U.S. Hostile Flirt</a> </div>
<div align="center">
***** </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/06/iran-us-dialogue.html">Iran-U.S. Dialogue</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/irans-foreign-policy.html">Iran's Foreign Policy: The New Conservative Phase</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/03/dilemma-of-irans-foreign-policy.html">The Dilemma of Iran's Foreign Policy...</a> </div>
<div align="center">
***** </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/06/iran-us-dialogue.html">Iran-U.S. Dialogue: Exhaustion of Diplomatic Remedies</a><br />
<a href="http://www.akazemi.homestead.com/files/Iran_s_Nuclear_Gamble__Boldness_vs.Prudence.pdf">Iran's Nuclear Gamble:Boldness vs.Prudence</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/03/iran-moment-of-truth.html">Iran: The Moment of Truth</a> </div>
<div align="center">
****<br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/04/strategy-of-asymmetric-war.html">Strategy of Asymmetric War</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/hidden-message-of-irans-letter-to-us.html">The Hidden Message of Iran's Letter to U.S. President</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/letter-to-great-satan.html">A Letter to the "Great Satan"</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/04/dream-of-pax-persica_114542462418912640.html">The Dream of "Pax Persica"</a> </div>
<div align="center">
**** </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/04/irans-nuclear-euphoria.html">Iran's Nuclear Euphoria</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/03/shdow-of-terror-over-iraq.html">The Shadow of Terror over Iraq</a><br />
<a href="http://www.bitterlemons-international.org/previous.php?opt=1&id=124#506">If Iraq Falls Apart:A Worst Case Scenario</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/01/wmd-proliferation-in-middle-east.html">Strategic Implications of WMD Proliferation in the Middle </a></div>
<div align="center">
East </div>
<div align="center">
**** </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://localhost:1094/Homesteads/_13299637/files/Security_Arrangement_in_the_Persian_Gulf.pdf">Security Dilemma and Threat perception in the Persian Gulf</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/stratgie-de-guerre-asymtrique-les.html">Iran's Quest for Regional Hegemony</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://www.akazemi.homestead.com/files/Kazemiedited.pdf">The Legality of U.S. Armed Intervention...</a> </div>
<div align="center">
**** </div>
<h4 align="center">
<i>Français</i></h4>
<div align="center">
_______________<br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/09/liran-et-le-dfit-nuclaire.html">L’Iran et le Défit Nucléaire </a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/la-crise-de-moyen-orient.html">La crise de Moyen-Orient...</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/liran-vers-les-sanctios-de-lonu-qr.html">L'Iran: vers les sanctions de l'ONU</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/lart-de-vivre-en-terreur.html">L'Art de Vivre en Terror</a><br />
*****<br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/lillusion-dunouveau-moyen-orient.html">L'Illusion du " Nouveau Moyen-Orient"</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/consquences-de-crise-de-moyen-orient.html">Conséquences de crise de Moyen-Orient</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/liran-et-la-crise-du-moyen-orientqr_22.html">L'Iran et la Crise du Moyen-Orient (Q&R</a>)<br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/nouvelles-agitations-en-moyen-orient.html">Nouvelles agitations en Moyen-Orient...</a><br />
*****<br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/preuve-de-louest-sur-la-question.html">Épreuve de l’ouest sur la question nucléaire d’Iran</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/07/liran-et-la-troisime-gnration-de-la.html">L’Iran et la Troisième Génération de la Révolution</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/06/quel-dialogue-irano-amricain-flirt.html">Quel dialogue? Irano- Américain Flirt Hostile</a> </div>
<div align="center">
****<br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/06/le-dialogue-irano-amricain_01.html">Le Dialogue Irano Américain: Épuisement des remèdes diplomatiques</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/stratgie-de-guerre-asymtrique-les.html">Stratégie de guerre asymétrique</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/03/liran-le-moment-de-la-vrit.html">L'Iran: Le moment de la vérité </a></div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/la-politique-trangre-de-liran.html">La politique étrangère de l'Iran</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/le-message-cach-de-la-lettre-de-liran.html">Le message caché de la lettre de l'Iran aux États-Unis</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/une-lettre-au-grand-satan.html">Une Letter au "Grand Satan</a> </div>
<div align="center">
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/04/euphorie-nuclaire-de-liran.html">Euphorie Nucléaire de l'Iran...</a><a href="http://paxpersica.blogspot.com/2006/04/le-rve-de-pax-persica.html">Le rêve de "Pax Persica"</a> </div>
<br />
<br />
_____________________________________________</div>
<h5 style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: large;">Previous Posts</span></h5>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/letter-to-great-satan.html"></a></i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/letter-to-great-satan.html">A Letter to the "Great Satan"</a></i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><a href="http://paxpersica.blogspot.com/2006/04/draem-of-pax-persica.html">The Dream of "Pax Persica"</a></i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2006/04/euphorie-nuclaire-de-liran.html">Euphorie Nucléaire de l'Iran</a></i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2006/04/irans-nuclear-euphoria.html">Iran's Nuclear Euphoria...</a></i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
______________ </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2006/04/irans-mixed-signals-to-west.html"></a></i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2006/04/irans-mixed-signals-to-west.html">Iran's Mixed Signals to the West</a></i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2006/03/iran-moment-of-truth.html">Iran: The Moment of Truth</a></i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><a href="http://www.bitterlemons-international.org/previous.php?opt=1&id=124#506">If Iraq Falls Apart: A Worst Case Scenario</a></i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2006/03/shadow-of-terror-over-iraq.html">The Shadow of Terror over Iraq</a></i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
_____________ </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2006/03/dilemma-of-irans-foreign-policy.html">The Dilemma of Iran's Foreign Policy...</a></i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><a href="http://www.akazemi.homestead.com/files/Iran_s_Nuclear_Gamble__Boldness_vs.Prudence.pdf">Iran's Nuclear Gamble: Boldness vs. Prudence</a></i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><a href="http://www.akazemi.homestead.com/files/The_Weird_Child_of_Democracy.pdf">The Weird Child of Democracy</a></i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2006/01/wmd-proliferation-in-middle-east.html">*Strategic Implications of WMD Proliferation in the ME</a></i></b></div>
<h5 style="text-align: justify;">
_____________ </h5>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i></i></b></div>
<h5 style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2006/01/religion-peace-and-war.html">* Religion, Peace and War...</a></i></b></h5>
<a href="http://scholarforum.blogspot.com/2005/12/guardian-state-3.html">* The Guardian State (3)</a><br />
<h5 style="text-align: justify;">
*<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/12/guardian-state-2.html"><b><i>The Guardian State (2)</i></b></a></h5>
<h5 style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/12/rise-of-guardian-state-1.html"><b><i>* The Rise of the Guardian State (1) </i></b></a></h5>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
____________ </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/11/iran-and-nuclear-trap_30.html">* </a></i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i></i></b><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/11/religion-politics-and-terrorism.html"><b><i>* Religion, Politics and Terrorism</i></b></a></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/11/persian-paradox-and-west_12.html"><b><i>* The Persian Paradox and the West</i></b></a><b><i> </i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/10/irans-nuclear-case-one-step-to-un.html"><b><i>* Iran's Nuclear Case: One Step to the UN Security Council</i></b></a></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
___________ </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/10/iran-price-of-going-nuclear_28.html"><b><i>* Iran: The Price of Going Nuclear</i></b></a><b><i> </i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/09/irans-new-president-and-nuclear-issue.html"><b><i>* Iran's New President and the Nuclear Issue</i></b></a><b><i> </i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/08/iran-us-nuclear-wrangle.html"><b><i>* Iran-U.S. Nuclear Wrangle...</i></b></a><b><i> </i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
______________ </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/07/iran-iraq-rapprochement.html"><b><i>* Iran-Iraq Rapprochement...</i></b></a></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/07/irans-presidential-elections.html"><b><i>* Iran's Presidential Elections...</i></b></a></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i>* <a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/06/insurgency-in-iraq.html">Insurgency in Iraq...</a></i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i></i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i>Previous Posts</i></b></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2004/11/dilemma-of-nation-building-and-state.html"><i><b>* The Dilemma of Nation-Building and State Formation in Post-Saddam Iraq</b></i></a><i><b> </b></i></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2004/11/bush-reelection-and-middle-eastiran-in.html"><i><b>* Bush Reelection and the Middle East:Iran in Focus</b></i></a><i><b> </b></i></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2004/06/irans-quest-for-regional-hegemony.html"><i><b>* Iran's Quest for Regional Hegemony</b></i></a><i><b> </b></i></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2004/04/security-dilemma-and-threat-perception.html"><i><b>* Security Dilemma and Threat Perception in the Persian Gulf...</b></i></a><i><b> </b></i><i><b></b></i></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2004/02/irans-nuclear-venture-legal-obligation.html"><i><b>* Iran's Nuclear Venture: Legal Obligation and Political Temptation</b></i></a><i><b> </b></i></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2003/12/shifting-us-threat-perception-after.html"><i><b>* Shifting U.S. Threat Perception after September 11 and the Fear of Iran's Nuclear Ambition</b></i></a><i><b> </b></i></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2003/12/mounting-challenges-to-us-military.html"><i><b>* Mounting Challenges to U.S. Military Presence in Iraq and the Rising Costs of </b></i></a><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2003/12/mounting-challenges-to-us-military.html"><i><b>Occupation</b></i><i><b> </b></i></a></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2003/08/legality-of-us-armed-interventions-and.html"><i><b>* The Legality of U.S. Armed Interventions and Prospects for Peace and Democracy in the Middle East</b></i></a><i><b> </b></i></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2001/02/end-of-politics-and-last-mythexcerpt.html"><i><b>* The End of Politics and the Last Myth..(Excerpt)</b></i></a><i><b></b></i></div>
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<u>* </u><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/1999/09/environmental-impacts-of-iraqs-war.html"><b><i>E</i></b><b><i>nvironmental Impacts of Iraq's War against Kuwait</i></b></a></div>
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<a href="https://sites.google.com/site/aakforum/behind-the-velvet-curtain-fiasco-of-us-diplomacy">Behind the Velvet Curtain: Fiasco of US Diplomacy</a><br />
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2010/05/irans-quest-for-regional-hegemony.html">Iran's Quest for Regional Hegemony</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/12/iran-preparing-for-soft-war.html">Iran: Preparing for “Soft War”</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/iran-beating-war-drum.html">Iran, Beating the War Drums!</a> </div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2009/11/russian-connection.html">Iran, US and the Russian Connection</a> </div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/obama-between-idealism-and-realism.html">Obama: Between Idealism and Realism</a> </div>
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<a href="http://scholarforum.blogspot.com/2009/11/towards-secular-nationalism-in-iran.html">Towards "Secular Nationalism" in Iran</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/11/iran-islamization-vs-secularization.html">Iran: Islamization vs. Secularization</a> </div>
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<a href="http://scholarforum.blogspot.com/2009/10/iran-islam-and-secular-social-sciences.html">Iran, Islam, and Secular Social Sciences</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/iran-roots-of-post-elections-crisis.html">Iran: Roots of the Post-Elections Crisis</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/rise-of-new-nationalism-in-iran.html">Rise of New Nationalism in Iran</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/strategic-implications-of-nobel-peace.html">Strategic Implications of Nobel Peace Prize for Obama</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/10/struggling-in-two-fronts-for-survival.html">Struggling in Two Fronts for Survival</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/09/irans-national-security-and-nuclear.html">Iran's National Security and the Nuclear Gamble</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/09/irans-post-election-political.html">Iran's Post-Election Political Environment</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/06/irans-elections-2009.html">Iran's Elections 2009: The End of peaceful democratic Reforms</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/05/who-should-be-next-president-in-iran.html">Who should be the Next President in Iran</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/05/logic-of-war-against-taliban-and.html">The Logic of War against Taliban and Talibanism</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/05/iran-elections-and-political-apathy.html">Iran: Elections and Political Apathy</a> </div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/04/iran-national-interests-victim-of-blind.html">Iran National Interests and Blind Radicalism</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/04/prospects-for-iran-us-negotiations.html">Prospects for Iran-US Negotiations</a></div>
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Iran: <a href="http://scholarforum.blogspot.com/2009/04/reform-vs-revolution.html">Reform vs. Revolution</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/03/legality-of-icc-action-against-sudan.html">Legality of ICC Action against Sudan President</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/03/strategic-games-in-middle-east.html">Strategic Games in the Middle East</a><br />
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/02/dilemma-of-iran-next-president.html">Dilemma of Iran's Next President</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/02/us-democrats-are-pushing-iran-to-corner.html">US Democrats are Pushing Iran to the Corner</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/01/obama-and-world-of-expectations.html">Obama and a World of Expectations</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/01/strategic-implications-of-gaza-conflict.html">Strategic Implications of the Gaza Conflict</a><br />
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/01/iran-us-relationsfrom-enmity-to-rivalry.html">Iran-US Relations: From Enmity to Rivalry</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/11/barack-obama-and-iran.html">Barack Obama and Iran (After Election)</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/10/crisis-of-governance-and-new-generation.html">Crisis of Governance and new Generation of World Leaders</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/10/dimensions-of-us-economic-crisis.html">US Economic Crisis and the Middle East</a><br />
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/06/iran-corruption-scandal-and-political.html">Iran: Corruption Scandal and Political Campaign</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/06/iran-at-critical-crossroads.html">Iran at a Critical Crossroads</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/06/obama-on-footsteps-of-white-house.html">Obama: On the Footsteps of the White House!</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/06/iranthe-new-parliament-and-nuclear-case.html">Iran: The New Parliament and the Nuclear Case</a><br />
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/05/message-of-preemptive-strike.html">Message of the Preemptive Strike on Syria</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/04/iran-affluence-amid-poverty.html">Iran: Affluence amid Poverty</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/04/irans-selective-elections.html">Iran's Selective Elections</a><br />
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/02/nuclear-delusion-and-public-jubilation.html">Nuclear Delusion and Public Jubilation!</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/02/iran-s-revolution-and-military-in.html">Iran's Revolution and Military in Politics</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/02/iran-new-space-partner.html">Iran: New Space Partner</a><br />
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<a href="http://bitterlemons-international.org/inside.php?id=871">NIE Report and Iran's Nuclear Challenge</a><br />
<a href="http://scholarforum.blogspot.com/2008/01/global-context-of-knowledge.html">The Global Context of Knowledge</a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/01/iran-political-impact-of-cold.html">Iran: Political Impact of the Cold</a><br />
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2008/01/persian-hypocrisy.html">The Persian Hypocrisy(3)</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/12/politics-and-hypocrisy.html">Politics and Hypocrisy (2)</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/12/politics-and-hypocrisy-ali-asghar.html">Politics and Hypocrisy</a> (1)<br />
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/12/nuclear-crisis-is-not-over.html">Iran's Nuclear Crisis is not over</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/12/us-sanctions-against-academics.html">US Sanctions against Academics</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/11/hope-for-middle-east-peace.html">Hope for Middle East Peace</a><br />
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<a href="http://bitterlemons-international.org/inside.php?id=833">Shadow of a new Cold War</a><br />
<a href="http://paxpersica.blogspot.com/2007/08/pax-persica-remembered.html">Pax Persica Remembered</a><br />
<a href="http://paxpersica.blogspot.com/2007/08/pax-persica-remembered.html">The Political Will of the Persian King</a><br />
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/05/diplomacy-and-subversion-iran-us.html">Diplomacy and Subversion: Iran-US Dialogue</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/05/common-sense-strategy.html">Common Sense Strategy: US and the Middle East </a></div>
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/04/beyond-conventional-wisdom.html">Beyond Conventional Wisdom!</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/04/beyond-conventional-wisdom.html">The Logic of Iran's Defiance</a><br />
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<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/01/new-cold-war-3.html">The New Cold War (3)</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2007/01/new-cold-war-2.html">The New Cold War (2)</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/12/battleground-of-new-cold-war1.html">The Battleground of a New Cold War(1)</a><br />
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<a href="http://www.bitterlemons-international.org/inside.php?id=679">Bush's Agenda for Victory</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/12/iran-facing-un-sanctions.html">Iran Facing UN Sanctions</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/11/iran-and-us-democrats.html">Iran and U.S. Democrats</a><br />
<a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/11/fate-of-dictator.html">The Fate of a Dictator</a><br />
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<span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: "verdana";">______________________________________________</span></span> </div>
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<b><span style="color: #cc0000; font-size: 130%;"><i>Previous Posts</i></span></b><span style="font-size: 85%;"><span style="color: #cc0000;"><br />
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<b><i><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/05/letter-to-great-satan.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">A Letter to the "Great Satan"</span></a></i></b></div>
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<b><i><a href="http://paxpersica.blogspot.com/2006/04/draem-of-pax-persica.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">The Dream of "Pax Persica"</span></a></i></b></div>
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<b><i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2006/04/euphorie-nuclaire-de-liran.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">Euphorie Nucléaire de l'Iran</span></a></i></b></div>
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<b><i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2006/04/irans-nuclear-euphoria.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">Iran's Nuclear Euphoria...</span></a></i></b></div>
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<span style="font-size: 85%;">______________</span></div>
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<b><i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2006/04/irans-mixed-signals-to-west.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">Iran's Mixed Signals to the West</span></a></i></b></div>
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<b><i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2006/03/iran-moment-of-truth.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">Iran: The Moment of Truth</span></a></i></b></div>
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<b><i><a href="http://www.bitterlemons-international.org/previous.php?opt=1&id=124#506"><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">If Iraq Falls Apart: A Worst Case Scenario</span></a></i></b></div>
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<b><i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2006/03/shadow-of-terror-over-iraq.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">The Shadow of Terror over Iraq</span></a></i></b></div>
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<span style="font-size: 85%;">_____________</span></div>
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<b><i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2006/03/dilemma-of-irans-foreign-policy.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">The Dilemma of Iran's Foreign Policy...</span></a></i></b></div>
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<b><i><a href="http://www.akazemi.homestead.com/files/Iran_s_Nuclear_Gamble__Boldness_vs.Prudence.pdf"><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">Iran's Nuclear Gamble: Boldness vs. Prudence</span></a></i></b></div>
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<b><i><a href="http://www.akazemi.homestead.com/files/The_Weird_Child_of_Democracy.pdf"><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">The Weird Child of Democracy</span></a></i></b></div>
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<b><i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2006/01/wmd-proliferation-in-middle-east.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">*Strategic Implications of WMD Proliferation in the ME</span></a></i></b></div>
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<b><i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2006/01/religion-peace-and-war.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* Religion, Peace and War...</span></a></i></b></div>
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<b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* The Guardian State (3)</span></i></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">*</span><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/12/guardian-state-2.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">The Guardian State (2)</span></i></b></a></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/12/rise-of-guardian-state-1.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* The Rise of the Guardian State (1) </span></i></b></a></div>
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<b><i><span style="font-size: 85%;"></span><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/11/iran-and-nuclear-trap_30.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* Iran and the Nuclear Trap </span></a></i></b></div>
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<b><i><span style="font-size: 85%;"></span></i></b><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/11/religion-politics-and-terrorism.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"><b><i>* Religion, Politics and Terrorism</i></b></span></a><br />
<span style="font-size: 85%;"></span><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/11/persian-paradox-and-west_12.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* The Persian Paradox and the West</span></i></b></a><span style="font-size: 85%;"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana";"> </span></i></b></span></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/10/irans-nuclear-case-one-step-to-un.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* Iran's Nuclear Case: One Step to the UN Security Council</span></i></b></a></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/10/iran-price-of-going-nuclear_28.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* Iran: The Price of Going Nuclear</span></i></b></a><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> </span></i></b><br />
<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/09/irans-new-president-and-nuclear-issue.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* Iran's New President and the Nuclear Issue</span></i></b></a><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> </span></i></b></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/08/iran-us-nuclear-wrangle.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* Iran-U.S. Nuclear Wrangle...</span></i></b></a><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> </span></i></b></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/07/iran-iraq-rapprochement.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* Iran-Iraq Rapprochement...</span></i></b></a></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/07/irans-presidential-elections.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* Iran's Presidential Elections...</span></i></b></a></div>
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<b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* </span><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005/06/insurgency-in-iraq.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">Insurgency in Iraq...</span></a></i></b></div>
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<span style="color: red; font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 130%;"><b><i>Previous Posts</i></b></span></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2004/11/dilemma-of-nation-building-and-state.html"><i><b><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* The Dilemma of Nation-Building and State Formation in Post-Saddam Iraq</span></b></i></a><i><b><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> </span></b></i><br />
<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2004/11/bush-reelection-and-middle-eastiran-in.html"><i><b><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* Bush Reelection and the Middle East:Iran in Focus</span></b></i></a><i><b><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> </span></b></i></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2004/06/irans-quest-for-regional-hegemony.html"><i><b><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* Iran's Quest for Regional Hegemony</span></b></i></a><i><b><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> </span></b></i></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2004/04/security-dilemma-and-threat-perception.html"><i><b><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* Security Dilemma and Threat Perception in the Persian Gulf...</span></b></i></a><i><b><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> </span></b></i><i><b></b></i><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2004/02/irans-nuclear-venture-legal-obligation.html"><i><b><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* Iran's Nuclear Venture: Legal Obligation and Political Temptation</span></b></i></a><i><b><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> </span></b></i><br />
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2003/12/shifting-us-threat-perception-after.html"><i><b><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* Shifting U.S. Threat Perception after September 11 and the Fear of Iran's Nuclear Ambition</span></b></i></a><i><b><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> </span></b></i></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2003/12/mounting-challenges-to-us-military.html"><i><b><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* Mounting Challenges to U.S. Military Presence in Iraq and the Rising Costs of </span></b></i></a><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2003/12/mounting-challenges-to-us-military.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana";"><span style="font-size: 85%;"><i><b>Occupation</b></i><i><b> </b></i></span></span></a></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2003/08/legality-of-us-armed-interventions-and.html"><i><b><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* The Legality of U.S. Armed Interventions and Prospects for Peace and Democracy in the Middle East</span></b></i></a><i><b><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> </span></b></i></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2001/02/end-of-politics-and-last-mythexcerpt.html"><i><b><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* The End of Politics and the Last Myth..(Excerpt)</span></b></i></a><i><b></b></i></div>
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<u><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">* </span></u><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/1999/09/environmental-impacts-of-iraqs-war.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana";"><span style="font-size: 85%;"><b><i>E</i></b><b><i>nvironmental Impacts of Iraq's War against Kuwait</i></b></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"><b><i> </i></b></span></div>
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<a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/1999_09_01_aakazemi_archive.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">September 1999</span></i></b></a><span style="font-family: "verdana";"><span style="font-size: 85%;"> <b><i>/ </i></b></span></span><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2001_02_01_aakazemi_archive.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">February 2001</span></i></b></a><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> / </span></i></b><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2003_08_01_aakazemi_archive.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">August 2003</span></i></b></a><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> / </span></i></b><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2003_12_01_aakazemi_archive.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">December 2003</span></i></b></a><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> / </span></i></b><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2004_02_01_aakazemi_archive.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">February 2004</span></i></b></a><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> /</span></i></b><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2004_04_01_aakazemi_archive.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">April 2004</span></i></b></a><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> / </span></i></b><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2004_06_01_aakazemi_archive.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">June 2004</span></i></b></a><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> / </span></i></b><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2004_11_01_aakazemi_archive.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">November 2004</span></i></b></a><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> / </span></i></b><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005_06_01_aakazemi_archive.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">June 2005</span></i></b></a><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> / </span></i></b><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005_07_01_aakazemi_archive.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">July 2005</span></i></b></a><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> / </span><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005_08_01_aakazemi_archive.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">August 2005</span></i></b></a><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> </span></i></b></i></b><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">/ </span></i></b><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005_09_01_aakazemi_archive.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">September 2005</span></i></b></a><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> / </span></i></b><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005_10_01_aakazemi_archive.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">October 2005</span></i></b></a><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> / </span></i></b><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005_11_01_aakazemi_archive.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">November 2005</span></i></b></a><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;"> / </span></i></b><a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2005_12_01_aakazemi_archive.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 85%;">December 2005</span></i></b></a><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana";"><span style="font-size: 85%;"> /</span> </span></i></b></div>
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-29331439419960872722015-07-16T02:35:00.001-07:002015-07-16T05:40:20.729-07:00 Lessons from Iran’s Nuclear Deal with 5+1 Powers<br />
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<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 18.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Lessons from Iran’s Nuclear Deal with 5+1 Powers</span></b></div>
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<b><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Ali Asghar Kazemi</span></i></b></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">July 15, 2015</span></b></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">______________________ </span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">After
almost 12 years of vicissitude, finally on July 14, 2015 a Comprehensive Nuclear
Agreement was reached by Iran and the 5+1 powers in Vienna.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span></span></span></a>
Negotiations that had started about the same time as Iran new president Hassan Rohani
took office<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span></span></span></a>
lasted almost two years and several rounds of arduous talks. The agreement was
supposed to be a win-win non-zero-sum with positive outcome for all parties. At
the end, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the comprehensive nuclear agreement was
described <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>as a landmark for Iran and 5+1 powers and as a
model for settling a dangerous situation that could lead to conflict and war
through the instrument of diplomacy.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Revolutionary regimes usually care little for
peaceful dialogue and diplomacy for achieving their objectives and national
goals. They often choose unusual means such as hostile slogans and coercive
measures for the furtherance of their ideals. Iran is no exception of this
unfortunate approach. But, how comes that this time Iranian diplomats were able
to keep their partners at the negotiating tables to the last minutes of <i>quid-pro-quo</i>
talks? What are the lessons to be learned from this unique case?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">For a student of international relations diplomacy
is the major tool of foreign policy by which a state can achieve objectives,
realize values and defend national interests. Governments have the function to
communicate through their diplomatic agents with those whose actions and
behavior they wish to influence, deter, alter or reinforce.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Book Antiqua"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span></span></span></a>
This process requires a clear definition of a state’s objectives,
rationalizations for them, threats, promises, and the setting up plans and
strategies to tackle with problems and contentious issues. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Thus, in its
widest meaning the task of diplomacy is fourfold: </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">1) It must determine state’s objectives
in the light actual and potential power available for the pursuit of these
objectives;</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">2 ) It must assess the objectives of
other nations and the power actually and potentially available to them for the
pursuit of their objectives; </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">3) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It must determine to what extent these
different objectives are compatible with each other; </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">4) It must employ
the means suited to the pursuit of its objectives.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Book Antiqua"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[4]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>One of the major impediments of Iran’s foreign
policy, almost four decades after the establishment of the Islamic Republic,
has been the continuing persistence on its revolutionary nature. In fact, this characteristic
has created a strong barrier before Iran’s national objectives and aspirations
in setting clear criteria for determining friends and foes. Perhaps many
unfortunate events and vicissitudes during the lifespan of the Islamic regime
so far are geared to this very important dimension of the revolutionary Iran.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[5]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Among the many factors that paved the ground for
reaching the comprehensive agreement between Iran and the 5+1 powers the
followings could be more decisive:</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Security Council Resolutions adopted with almost unanimity under Chapter
VII of the UN Charter Article 41 regarding various economic, financial and
banking sanctions against Iran;</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Effective enforcement of the Article 25 of the UN Charter that that requires
all</span> <span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">members
of the United Nations to accept and carry out the decisions of the Security
Council in accordance with the UN Charter. It is well to remember that the
United States was the prime overseer for the application of this article. </span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Iran’s earnest desire to get rid of horrible sanctions that had impeded
this country to have access to oil revenues that caused terrible damages to the
economy and the well-being of the people;</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">4)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Iran’s fear that its revolutionary and defying stance <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>vis-à-vis the world community might put into
serious jeopardy the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>whole existence of
the Islamic regime;</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">5)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Effective and sincere commitment of educated, talented and zealous
Iranian diplomats who engaged in the negotiations, despite all pressure and
negative impacts from opposition groups inside and outside Iran;</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">6)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Sincere commitment of the American president Barrack Obama to settle the
nuclear issue during his time at the White House in spite of Republican
pressure from Congress and Israeli lobbyists. </span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">7)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Positive atmosphere of the world public opinion and international media
and market in favor of settling Iran’s nuclear issue for the benefit of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the parties involved and the international
community as a whole.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>One may add other factors to the ones listed
above. There is no doubt that the substance of the comprehensive agreement has
no inherent values unless all parties to the deal feel legally and morally
committed to its enforcement with “Good Faith.”<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[6]</span></span></span></span></a> <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">As I said elsewhere<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[7]</span></span></span></span></a>, Iran</span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"> should
be conscious of the fact that only portions of sanctions imposed upon it relate
to its nuclear undertaking and in order to lift all sanctions it should come
clean on questions related to human rights and other pending issues. For that
matter, Iran should not hesitate to enter into direct dialogue with important
world power on matters related to the Middle East, the Persian Gulf and
international community as a whole./ </span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;">
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action
(JCPOA) runs to 109 pages, including five annexes.</span></div>
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<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Presidential elections were held in Iran
on 14 June 2013. Hassan Rouhani won with a landslide victory, elected in the
first round of voting with 50.88% of the vote The </span></div>
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<div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;">
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Book Antiqua","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Book Antiqua"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span></span></span></a> <span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 6.5pt;">1 </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">Cf. K.J. Holsti,
<i>International Politics, A Framework for Analysis</i>, Prentice –Hall of
India Private Limited, New Delhi, 1981, p.183 </span></div>
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<div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;">
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[4]</span></span></span></span></a> <span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">See: Hans J.
Morgenthau, <i>Politics Among Nations, The Struggle for Power and Peace</i>,
Alfred A. Knopf. New York, Fifth edition, p.517-518 </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<div id="ftn5" style="mso-element: footnote;">
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Book Antiqua","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Book Antiqua"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[5]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>See my paper,
</span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">The Dilemma
of Iran’s Foreign Policy : Identifying Friends and Foes, in<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><a href="https://www.blogger.com/aakazemi.blogspot.com"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">Middle East Academic
Forum</span></i></a><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"></span></div>
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<div id="ftn6" style="mso-element: footnote;">
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[6]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> See my article </span><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">“Good
Faith” is Key to Iran’s Nuclear Deal with 5+1 Powers</span></i></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">https://www.academia.edu/13238276/_Good_Faith_is_Key_to_Iran_s_Nuclear_Deal_with_5_1_Powers</span></div>
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<div id="ftn7" style="mso-element: footnote;">
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[7]</span></span></span></span></a> <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>See Ibid </div>
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* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran.
Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-34972513278590904032015-06-24T04:35:00.001-07:002015-06-24T04:47:38.300-07:00“Good Faith” is Key to Iran’s Nuclear Deal with 5+1 Powers<br />
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<div class="MsoNormal">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 18.0pt; line-height: 115%;">“Good Faith” is Key to Iran’s Nuclear Deal with
5+1 Powers</span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Ali Asghar Kazemi</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">June 23, 2015</span></b></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">_____________<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span></span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Upon
the failure of several attempts to settle peacefully Iran’s nuclear activities,
the United States, along with the IAEA and the Security Council, called upon
this country to resume voluntary implementation of and ratify its additional
protocol.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span></span></span></a>
Iran reluctantly agreed to enter into negotiations with 5=1 powers for the implementation
and eventually ratification of additional protocol as part of a comprehensive
nuclear deal <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>with the five permanent members of the UN
Security Council and Germany. The parties set a June 30, 2015 deadline for
reaching an agreement.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">No
matter what the substance of an eventual nuclear accord between Iran and the
5+1 powers which, at this very moment is under serious negotiations, the
fundamental question to any such deal is problem of “good faith” in the
implementation of the agreement.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">There
is no need to emphasize here that the corollary notion of good faith is mutual
confidence between parties to a contract. In other words, without confidence
the principle of good faith will be overshadowed by permanent fear of breach by
one of the parties and therefore adherents to a contract should be assured of
good intention and behavior of all associated to a treaty.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Now,
let’s see whether “mutual confidence” is present between parties to the nuclear
deal between Iran and 5+1. According to media, both the United States and Iran
have repeatedly claimed that they have no confidence on the other. This has
created an atmosphere of suspicion and mistrust that so far seriously inhibited
the process of drafting the text of the agreement.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">On the
one hand, US President has explicitly said at various occasions that he has no
confidence on Iran and the lifting of the sanctions will be gradual in time and
proportionate to the implementation of specific verifiable actions of the
nuclear accord and various clauses provided in the deal. On the other hand, the
Iranian leader too has set a number of “red lines” to the negotiations limiting
the extent to which the 5+1 intend to verify the good performance of the
agreement especially with respect to Additional Protocol<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[4]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>and the NPT<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[5]</span></span></span></span></a>.
Namely he has prohibited any inspections of military sites not related to
nuclear activities and has barred any interview with nuclear scientists as well
as military authorities involved in the national security. Furthermore, he has
required that sanctions should be lifted all at once with the conclusion of the
agreement; a demand that seems legally unreachable and practically impossible
to perform. Each of them justifies his position based on the others’ past
records and historic events not necessarily relevant to the present situation.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The
fact of the matter is that Iran has been under UN sanctions by the Security
Council Resolutions under article 41 of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter.
This means that either Iran would agree to abide by the demands of the Security
Council and its permanent members or it will be subject to Article 42 of the
Charter that provides as follows;</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“Should
the Security Council consider that measures provided for in Article 41 would be
inadequate or have proved to be inadequate, it may take such action by air,
sea, or land forces as may be necessary to maintain or restore international
peace and security. Such action may include demonstrations, blockade, and other
operations by air, sea, or land forces of Members of the United Nations”<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[6]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">While
parties to the dispute are speaking of a faire win-win deal that would satisfy
all, it is flagrantly clear that Iran is in a much weaker position because of
appalling economic and financial sanctions imposed upon it for several years.
One may even say that the agreement reached in such circumstance would be
against provisions of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties and can be
termed as an “unequal treaty” that is being imposed upon Iran with the effect
of limiting to exercise its sovereign rights. It can therefore be realized why
Iran has so far resisted to comply with some ruthless demands of the world
powers with respect to its assumed peaceful nuclear activities.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Whether
Iran and the 5+1 powers can reach an agreement that satisfy all parties and the
international community as a whole, would depend on the following requisites:</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">a)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The degree to which Iran
consent to the verification according to the NPT and the Additional Protocol;</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">b)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The manner in which the
Security Council and Western powers agree to lift economic sanctions against
Iran;</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">c)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Legal and moral
commitment of all parties to confidence<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>building and good faith to the<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>text and spirit of the agreement;</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">d)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">A genuine desire of the
parties to peaceful settlement of all outstanding disputes between them.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Opponents
of the nuclear deal fear that upon the conclusion of the agreement, Iran would
have access to huge amounts of financial assets that will give it free hands to
pursue its ambitious activities in the region. They further contend that Iran
may follow suit the North Korean strategy and in due time may embark on
building a nuclear capability as a deterrent force to defy Western pressure. Proponents
however believe Iran should be given a chance to faithfully show that its activities
are peaceful and pose no danger to peace and security of the world. The United States
President Barrack Obama is among this latter group who despite domestic and outside
pressure, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>earnestly endeavors to reach a “good agreement”
with Iran. Iran should benefit the occasion and avoid anything that could abort
the deal and drag it to eventual Republican administration that could come to power
after Obama.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Iran
should be conscious of the fact that only portions of sanctions imposed upon it
relate to its nuclear undertaking and in order to lift all sanctions it should
come clean on questions related to human rights and other pending issues. For
that matter, Iran should not hesitate to enter into direct dialogue with
important world power on matters related to the Middle East, the Persian Gulf
and international community as a whole. The West on the other hand, should be
honest in dealing with Iran and must recognize this country as a regional actor
to be taken into account in all matters regarding the region. /</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;">
<br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span></span></span></a>
Iran had signed the protocol<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>in December
2003, but it stopped adhering to the measure in February 2006. Iran stopped applying
the measure days after the IAEA referred the case to the UN Security Council.</div>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<h1>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 24.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></b></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"> </span><span style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; font-weight: normal; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">See: <a href="https://www.armscontrol.org/taxonomy/term/2"><span style="color: blue;">Fact
Sheets & Briefs</span></a> <i>Press Contacts</i>: <a href="mailto:kelsey@armscontrol.org"><span style="color: blue;">Kelsey Davenport</span></a>,
(202) 463-8270 x102 , Updated: April 2015.
https://www.armscontrol.org/factsheets/IAEAProtocol</span></h1>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span></span></span></a> “<b>Good
faith</b> is a fundamental principle of international law, without which all
international law would collapse,” declared Judge Mohammed Bedjaoui during the
first week of the PrepCom. Bedjaoui was President of the International Court of
Justice when it gave its 1996 advisory opinion on nuclear weapons, and more
recently, Algerian Foreign Minister. He delivered the keynote address to a
conference, “Good Faith, International Law, and the Elimination of Nuclear
Weapons: The Once and Future Contributions of the International Court of
Justice,” held on 1 May at the Warwick Hotel in Geneva.<b> Good Faith: A
Fundamental Principle of International Law</b> <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>John Burroughs, Lawyers’ Committee on Nuclear
Policy .<i> Civil society perspectives on the second session of the Preparatory
Committee for the 2010 nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference 28
April–9 May 2008. http://lcnp.org/wcourt/BurroughsNiRarticle_May2008.htm</i><b><br style="mso-special-character: line-break;" />
<br style="mso-special-character: line-break;" />
</b></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[4]</span></span></span></span></a> The
essence of the <b>Additional Protocol</b> is to reshape the IAEA's safeguards
regime from a quantitative system focused on accounting for known quantities of
materials and monitoring declared activities to a qualitative system aimed at
gathering a comprehensive picture of a state's nuclear and nuclear-related
activities, including all nuclear-related imports and exports. The Additional
Protocol also substantially expands the IAEA's ability to check for clandestine
nuclear facilities by providing the agency with authority to visit any
facility, declared or not, to investigate questions about or inconsistencies in
a state's nuclear declarations. NPT states-parties are not required to adopt an
additional protocol, although the IAEA is urging all to do so.</div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn5" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[5]</span></span></span></span></a> <b>Nuclear
Proliferation Treaty</b>. The<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is responsible for validating
that NPT states-parties are complying with the treaty, which bars all states
except China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States from acquiring
nuclear weapons. India, Israel, and Pakistan have not joined the NPT and
possess nuclear weapons. See Ibid.</div>
</div>
<div id="ftn6" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[6]</span></span></span></span></a>
See: United Nations Charter Chapter VII Article 41 and 42</div>
</div>
</div>
<br />
<br />
<br />
* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran.
Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-8936999390627107642015-06-21T06:54:00.000-07:002015-06-21T06:54:01.990-07:00 Stalemate in the Syrian Crisis and its Impact on Iran’s Middle East Strategy<br />
<br />
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Stalemate in the Syrian Crisis
and its Impact on Iran’s Middle East Strategy</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Ali Asghar Kazemi</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">June 20, 2015</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">________________________<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The
Prolongation of the Syrian crisis</span></b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"> that has so far caused
extended human and material loses to this country has also become an undesired
huge burden to Iran. Four years have elapsed since first signs of political manifestations
inspired from the “Arab Spring” appeared in this country.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span></span></span></a>
Not many people in the region, including Iran as the main Syrian ally, appeared
to believe that the events could cause so much damage and structural changes.
During this unfortunate crisis, Iran supported the Syrian incumbent government
with all financial and material means at hand while itself was under serious UN
and international economic sanctions. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The continuation of the crisis and gradual
weakening of Syria induced opposition groups on the one hand and opportunist terrorists
who where active in Iraq , Afghanistan and elsewhere in the region,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>to enter into<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>the scene and the trend led to the creation of a self-proclaimed
“Islamic State”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>ISIS, in control of parts
of Iraq and Syria headed by a “Caliph.” </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Observers
believe that the main causes of terrorist victory in the region were:</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">a)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Disparity and weakness
of the opposition groups unable to set and follow a consistent strategy for
toppling the Syrian regime; </span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">b)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The prolongation of the
crisis due to foreign intervention and assistance to the Syrian government<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>that could eventually collapse in the first
months of the crisis;</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">c)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Extended human loses <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>and material damages that caused forced
repatriation of<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>huge numbers of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Syrian people;</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">d)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Extensive<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>and unnecessary use of lethal and illegal
weapons for the purposes containing political discontents and demonstrations;</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">e)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Unrestricted support of
a dying regime that had become a huge liability for Iran’s Middle East
strategy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">In
fact, Iranian decision makers did not realize that Bashar al Assad as a
contested head of Arab state could no longer play his expected role for Iran’s
forward strategy in the new crisis-ridden Middle East. It is well to remember
that almost all Arab States wished Assad regime to collapse right from the
beginning.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The
prevailing deadlock at the present time makes it very difficult for Syrian
conventional allies<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>including Iran and
Russia to continue their supports of Syria. Consequently the weakening of the
Assad regime could lead to one of the following destiny:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .75in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Total collapse of the
regime in favor of the ISIS that could extend its power to the whole Syrian
territory;</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .75in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Protracted civil war
leading to the disintegration of Syria divided<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>into three or four region between Shia’ Alawites , Sunnis, Kurds and
Islamic State( Wahabis , Salafis and Takfiris) ;</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .75in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">There could be another alternative
relating to the United Nation Security Council intervention for the purpose of
establishing law and order in Syria and putting the country provisionally under
the tutorship of the permanent members of the Security Council;</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .75in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">4)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The Security Council may
if necessary relegate its power and responsibility to protect in Syria to a
third party such as for instance the Arab League to assume security and
administrative tasks during a transitional period.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">There
is no need to prove that none of the above outcomes could serve the strategic
interests of Iran in the region. Therefore it can be suggested that Iran would
be better off to avoid tension and stay away from Syrian affairs as soon as
possible before it be driven to a real quagmire that could jeopardize its
overall national interests.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Syrian
regime has lost legitimacy long ago and foreign intervention to rescue it from
collapse has only worsened the situation for its people and the international
community as a whole. Syria should have followed the fate of other North
African Arab states such as Tunisia, Libya and Egypt. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">International
political analysts believe that it is most likely that upon the conclusion of
an eventual <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>nuclear deal between Iran
and the 5+1 powers , the United States and its allies <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>would probably <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>move on to other outstanding <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>items on their agenda <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>including the Syrian crisis and destabilizing
groups backed by the Islamic regime. This would mean that sooner or later the
fate of Syria will be determined once for all. In that case Iran would be the
main looser in the game and will be forced to adjust its strategy to the
conditions imposed upon it. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">In view
of Middle East experts, loosing Syria may be an onerous defeat for Iran’s
ambitious strategy in the region since it would prevent its footings and logistic
lines of support to Hezbollah and Hamas; but, in the final account that might
prevent an eventual serious clash between Iran and its main rival regional powers
namely Saudi Arabia.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Saudi
Arabia has clearly shown its resolve to tackle with foreign encroachment in its
security perimeter. The case of Yemen crisis proved that it has very high
propensity to directly engage into a regional war where its strategic interests
are at peril. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Therefore, Iran should be cautious
in achieving its regional ambitions in the Middle East and avoid any tension
that could escalate to a full-fledged crisis situation. / </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;">
<br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<h1>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; font-weight: normal;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">[1]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; font-weight: normal;"> Some
analysts claim that the Syrian civil war began in 1980 when a group of Muslim
Brothers stormed the military academy in Aleppo and, after separating the
Alawite and Sunni cadets, cold-bloodedly killed the Alawites with knives and
assault rifles. The regime retaliated in 1982 by brutally killing more than
20,000 Muslim Brothers in Homs and Hama – </span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt;">See:
</span><u><span style="color: blue; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; font-weight: normal;">Col. (ret.) Dr. Jacques Neriah</span></u><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; font-weight: normal;">,</span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt;"> Stalemate in the Syrian Civil War </span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; font-weight: normal;">April 14, 2013<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; font-weight: normal;"></span></h1>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">http://jcpa.org/article/stalemate-in-the-syrian-civil-war/</span></i></div>
</div>
</div>
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran.
Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-72384515157016534272015-01-13T01:46:00.003-08:002015-01-13T01:46:56.208-08:00 Globalization of Violence and Terror<br />
<br />
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<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Globalization
of Violence and Terror*</span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Ali
Asghar Kazemi</span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">_________<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br style="mso-special-character: line-break;" />
<br style="mso-special-character: line-break;" />
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Almost 8 years ago I wr0te and published a piece under the
title of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“Art of Living in Terror.”
In those days terror and violence were not as <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>much widespread as it is today. Of course
September 11, 2001 attack on the United States had already set an unprecedented
horrible record that changed the scope, magnitude and perception of terror.
America was the main victim of that terror and Moslem extremists were
considered to the principal culprit. Gradually the targets of attacks spread
all over the world and developed and underdeveloped countries equally became
subjects of terror and violence.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Recent terrorist attack in Paris, which was also shocking in
its kind, set another exceptional example as to how cold-blooded criminals dare
to target and kill people selectively. If we ask how this carnage could be prevented
unfortunately no practical answer comes to mind. This means that people alike states
are really helpless before terror and violence in similar conditions.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">People around the world are getting killed
without reason and merely for blind revenge against states. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This can happen in Lebanon, Beirut; Israel,
Haifa, Iraq, Baghdad; Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Australia, Bali, Ruanda, Mumbai… where else
you want to fly the bird of your imagination? Terrorists are everywhere attacking
people in Moscow, New York, London, Paris, Madrid… for business, vacations,
holiday, tours… at the theater, at the seaside, in the subway, in nightclub, in
a restaurant, supermarket…? No matter who you are, where you might be, what you
may be doing, when … at any moment of time and any where your very existence
and life might be exposed to some kind of terror and violence.<br />
<br />
To be more explicit, these days the chances that you get killed or injured by
some unexpected terror attack or be arrested without much explanation have
become very high. It does not really matter for what reason, purpose or cause,
legitimate or not, the fact is that we are constantly exposed to unpredicted
peril. This is indeed a terrible situation that we, modern peoples of 21st
century, are experiencing. Indeed, life has become an art and we seem to have
no other choice than to continue our daily activities in permanent state of
alert, unless we choose to live in hermit condition.<br />
<br />
The sad thing is that states and political entities equally live in the same
vulnerable conditions as individuals. In fact, the Hobbesian “State of Nature”
where the rule of jungle governs the fate of all is now the predominant
condition in the world and whoever is crueler or more powerful determines the
fate of the others. This is why states that feel threatened in this hostile
surrounding are doing everything in their capacity to protect their survival
from the unexpected dangers of this harsh environment.<br />
<br />
When we read with astonishment the history of the past centuries about wars
that lasted thirty and even hundred years, we wonder how peoples of warring
states lived in those days. The two world wars of the twentieth century lasted
only few years but left millions of deaths and injured. As means of hostilities
became more and more sophisticated the duration of wars got shorter but
bloodier and casualties increased. With the advent of weapons of mass
destruction WMD, including nuclear, biological and chemical armaments, we
reached the threshold human tolerance and an unavoidable halt had to take place
through international treaties in order to save mankind from complete annihilation.
But, in the midst of this stalemate, a new kind of war –terrorism- emerged with
all its vicious and cruel misdeeds and tactics.<br />
<br />
Terror and terrorism have existed throughout the history of human civilization.
Despite its long history, terrorism and low-level violence associated with
religious movements are more recent phenomena. In the past, despotic rulers
used terror as a means to subjugate their own people. The post-revolutionary
France has passed through the trauma of Robespierre terror. The memory of
systematic state terror in Stalin’s Russia, Hitler’s Germany and other
dictators is still alive.<br />
<br />
But today this dimension of terrorism has changed drastically. We are now
witnessing the tremendous spread of a new face of terror, associated with violent
behavior of religious extremists, whose cruel actions and drive to cause
extensive bloodshed, go beyond sane imagination. This phenomenon is described
as one of the sad paradox of our time; the myth of “romantic revolution” whose
promoters are the ideologues, whose dupes are the young and idealistic and
whose victims are the weak and the little men, the children, the old and
defenseless.<br />
<br />
With the advent of sophisticated communications and relations among nations,
terrorism, whether directed toward states or individuals, has gained new
dimensions and consequently attracted the attention of world public opinion. It
has also provided appetizing food for mass media around the world and hence
incentive for terrorists to gain reputation through wide publicity. Unlike the
past when conventional media, such as radio and television broadcast and
newspapers could limit the propaganda impact of terrorism, today the internet
has become a rather uncontrollable, easy and handy tool for murderer to expose
their horrifying acts to the public around the world. We have seen with
revulsion the shocking video clips showing the act of beheading of innocent
people in Iraq.<br />
<br />
In recent years, especially after the American military interventions in
Afghanistan and Iraq, terrorists have gone to the extreme by conducting
suicidal attacks against their targets. Of course, we shall not forget the
suicide attacks against embassies and troop’s headquarters of Western powers
around the world before that period; among which militia actions in Lebanon,
Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Argentina… are the most notorious. Despite extreme
precautionary security measures, these operations and the likes are still being
carried out by terrorists, for the purpose of gaining attention of the media,
intimidating an opponent or toppling a shaky and weak government. The present
Iraq is an ill-fated example of such daily occurrence.<br />
<br />
<br />
We are living in a dangerous world no prophet ever predicted. The spread and
magnitude of terror activities have made all nations very vulnerable. What
happened in New York, London and Madrid can occur at anytime and anywhere
without discrimination. Terrorists have already demonstrated that they can
achieve disproportionately large effects in world order with a relatively small
number and limited capacity for violence. They have caused widespread alarm,
compelling governments with a clear preponderance of conventional military
power to negotiate with them, to grant them concessions or simply to back down
with humiliation.<br />
<br />
Thus far all endeavors to effectively deal with this kind of terrorism seem to
have failed. It is not quite clear how the world should approach this evil of
the 21st century. Use of force and naked power has proved to be inefficacious.
It would be rather hard to believe that terrorism may be uprooted for good in
the years to come. Perhaps we should think of some unconventional means to
contain this unusual phenomenon called terrorism.<br />
<br />
Living in peace and quiet for individuals and states has become an art for which
we are not so much prepared. However, we behave by our instinct and perhaps,
from a psychological standpoint, we as human being or state, end up to
cohabitate with this awful situation and gradually get used to terror and
violence and just become more conscious of our vulnerable condition and do
whatever we can to protect ourselves from unforeseen occurrences here and
there./</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">*</span></b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">This short paper is a new draft of my
previous post with the title of “Art of Living in Terror” </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<br />
<br />
* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran.
Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-90767301288390883082015-01-05T07:28:00.000-08:002015-01-05T07:28:02.919-08:00Spread of Radicalism and Decline of “Nation-Sate” <br />
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">(<i>First draft: Please
send your comments to: aakazemi@hotmail.com)</i></span></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Spread
of Radicalism and Decline of “Nation-Sate</span></b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">” </span></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Ali
Asghar Kazemi*</span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">January
5, 2015</span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">________________<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Keywords</span></b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">: Radicalism, Extremism;
Terrorism, Nation-State, Middle-East.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Abstract</span></b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">: The main arguments in this
short paper are threefold:</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-left: 20.25pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The spread of radicalism
is causing the gradual decline of the “nation-State” and this in turn paves the
way for the rise of terrorism which in the long-run will end up to total extinction
of the notion of modern state;</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 20.25pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Democratic powerful states cannot counter this
dangerous development with sole military means, unless they choose the same
tactics and tools used by terrorists groups, which is in contradiction with
accepted civilized norms and ideals;</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 20.25pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Authoritarian states
seem to be better equipped to contain this momentum; but they too may be caught
in a whirlpool trap created by terrorist that may imperil their own existence.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 20.25pt; mso-add-space: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 20.25pt; mso-add-space: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 20.25pt; mso-add-space: auto; text-align: center;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Introduction</span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Ever since the birth of the
“Nation-State<b>”<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></b></span></span></span></a></b>
in the Congress of Westphalia in 1648 until the collapse of the Soviet Empire<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span></span></span></a>
in 1991, while the world had experienced major wars and conflicts, the overall
structure and the concept of “state” were more or less accepted by world
Nations.<span class="MsoFootnoteReference"> </span>There is a difference between
these concepts.<span class="MsoFootnoteReference"> <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span></span></a></span> A
nation-state differs from a "state" or a "nation" for a
couple of important reasons:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">A <b><i>nation</i></b> refers
only to a socio-cultural entity, a union of people sharing who can identify
culturally and linguistically. This concept does not necessarily consider
formal political unions. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">A <b><i>state</i></b> on the
other hand refers to a legal/political entity that is comprised of the
following: a) a permanent population; b) a defined territory; c) a government;
and d) the capacity to enter into relations with other states. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The quasi peaceful
disintegration of the Soviet Union ushered the doors for similar demands <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>in multi-ethnic regions where various
ethnicities were forced to form a conglomeration of an assorted people
dissimilar in cultures, sects, languages, religions etc. This would usually
happen after each great armed conflict and the conclusions of wars.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Such is the case of Arab
nations of the Middle East and North Africa and ethnic minorities of the Balkan
Peninsula that are the products of the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[4]</span></span></span></span></a>.
In other part of the world the colonial powers had to recognize rights to
self-determination for territories under their dominion. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">During the Cold War<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[5]</span></span></span></span></a>,
leftist movements of varying origins were more or less the only destabilizing
forces that threatened the existence of “nation states.”But the West and
capitalist front were alert of the danger of communist threats and did all in
their capacity to contain their expansion. Perhaps the collapse of the Soviet
Union was the result of such awareness. At this very moment the Russian
Federation is formed of a number of nations some of which are in pursuit of
their autonomy or independence. <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[6]</span></span></span></span></a>
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The end of Cold War encouraged
ethnic groups here and there to claim autonomy or independence in areas where
minorities had coexisted in peaceful relations for centuries. Spread of
radicalism has started where the central government opposed to such demands and
in some cases used force to contain the turmoil. The case of Kurds in Turkey,
Iraq, Syria and Iran is a lucid example of such demands.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[7]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Stability of the “nation-state” depends on a
numbers of attributes such as: rule of law, democracy, justice, equitable
distribution of resources, sustainable development etc. without which the state
becomes susceptible to fall into disarray. In such condition the nation becomes
a fertile land for propagation of all kinds of evils and diseases. Radicalism
and terrorism like virus and microbes quickly disseminate all over a region
even a continent. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Changing
Perception of Threat</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Until September 11, 2001 <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[8]</span></span></span></span></a>the
West and particularly the United States of America had no clear notion of the
threats posed by radical Islamists not only to few<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>states they belong to but to the whole modern
civilization on earth. The collapse of the twin towers in New York City was a
horrible shock to the entire world after which the perception of national
security and threat were radically changed in the minds of strategists and
defense planners.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">American military interventions
in Afghanistan and later in Iraq and Libya resulted to the collapse of these
more or less established though dictatorial nation-states. That was the
beginning of a series of radical changes, and turmoil in the Middle East region
and North Africa that resulted to the collapse of incumbent regimes </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">After the fall of Taliban in
Afghanistan we have seen the spread of Al-Qaeda in the region. The defeated
Iraq was a fertile swamp to attract elements of Al-Qaeda which quickly
recruited the unhappy Baathist pro-Saddam to organize a rather viable force
against American coalition and inflicted serious damage to them. Soon after,
the crisis erupted in Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Syria and Yemen where terrorist
groups ventured to seize the opportunity to deploy to those lands.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Syria escaped this
transformation because of foreign interference that to this time has prevented
the collapse of the regime. However, this country fell in a decisive civil war
that until now has claimed several hundreds of dead and injured and millions of
refugees<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn9;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[9]</span></span></span></span></a>.
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The continuation of the Syrian
crisis, especially because of the backing of Russia and Iran on the one hand,
and American support of the opposition groups on the other, rendered this
country helpless against terrorists who occupy certain Syrian regions and
annexed them to some Iraqi provinces to declare an independent state.( The
Islamic Sate of Iraq and Syria ISIS<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn10;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[10]</span></span></span></span></a>)
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Extremism
Gaining Momentum</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Among<b> </b>militant radical
movements, the most violent who have been targeting the West and American
interests in the past three decades, are Islamist fundamentalists. These groups,
who have been rather dormant in the past century, revived after the Islamic
revolution in Iran around 1979. Militant Islam has now operational bases in
Algeria, Egypt, Somalia, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, the Palestinian
territories, Lebanon, Jordan, Yemen, Malaysia, the Philippines, Indonesia,
Nigeria, and Pakistan, to name just a few countries. <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn11" name="_ftnref11" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn11;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[11]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Islamic
extremism refers to two related and partially overlapping but also distinct
aspects of extremist interpretations and pursuits of Islamic ideology:<span class="MsoFootnoteReference"> <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn12" name="_ftnref12" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn12;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[12]</span></span></span></a></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">-an extremely conservative view of Islam,<sup> </sup>which
doesn't necessarily entail violence even though it may have an emphasis on <i>Jihad</i>.
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">-the use of extreme tactics such as bombing and
assassinations for achieving perceived Islamic goals.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Recent terrorist attack in
Pakistan that left more than hundred innocent pupil dead and many more injured
is a vivid indication that radicalism is dangerously gaining momentum in a
state with nuclear capability. Indeed the world should be alarmed of this
critical development. It is almost unthinkable what would happen if terrorists
put their evil hands on Pakistan nuclear arsenal.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn13" name="_ftnref13" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn13;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[13]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Islamist extremist groups<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>have been<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>spreading in almost all corners of the world . In the African continent </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">thousands of members of Nigeria’s
home-</span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">grown
<b>Boko</b> <b>Haram</b><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn14" name="_ftnref14" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn14;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[14]</span></span></span></span></a>
radical Islamist group set out kidnapping women and children and selling them
as</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">slaves on the market. Farther north, <i>Boko
Haram</i> employing recruits from neighboring Chad are instigating Islamic
uprising in the region.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Islamic terrorism consists of
terror attacks by Islamic fundamentalists to further a perceived Islamic
religious or political cause. It has occurred globally, in practically every
continent, including in Africa, Australia, the Middle East, Europe, South and
South-east Asia, South America, The Caucasus, The Pacific and North America.
Terrorist organizations have been known to engage in tactics including suicide
attacks, bombings, spree killings, hijackings, kidnappings, and beheadings.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn15" name="_ftnref15" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn15;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[15]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The roots of militant Islam run
deep and may take many years to eradicate. Accordingly, the West must prepare
itself for future confrontations. More importantly, Americans should realize
that the war they are actually engaged in the Middle East against the ISIS is
not really leading to anywhere. They must understand that this is not a war on
terrorism, since, terrorism is only a tactic, a way of achieving sublime
objectives of a faith. This struggle is against a radical, utopian ideology and
those who carry out violence in its name.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn16" name="_ftnref16" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn16;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[16]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Beside illegal terrorist groups
and insurgents, there are a number of extremist entities that under the guise
of regular “state” commit or promote act of terror. An example of this kind may
be the defunct Libyan Ghaddafi who for a period of time tried to destabilize
certain regions in the Middle East and North Africa.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn17" name="_ftnref17" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn17;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[17]</span></span></span></span></a></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Democratic states, no matter
how powerful, are inherently incapable to effectively fight radicalism since to
do so they have to choose the same instruments of terror which is against their
claimed ideals. They may use authoritarian states to achieve this objective but
this option too has its own weakness. They may risk compromising the overall
security and survival of vulnerable states that are susceptible to disintegrate
totally.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The
Fate of the “Nation-State”</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The more weaken became the
pillars of the traditional “nation-states” the more instability resulted and
the larger became the spread of Islamic radicalism in the world. Amid these
turmoil we witnessed the birth of the most radical and savage groups like the
self-claimed “Islamic State of Iraq and Syria” (ISIS)<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn18" name="_ftnref18" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn18;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[18]</span></span></span></span></a>
that later changed to “Islamic Caliphate” that seeks its origin in past
centuries Islam.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn19" name="_ftnref19" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn19;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[19]</span></span></span></span></a> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Now the world is facing an
unprecedented threat from radical groups who for sake of simplicity we call
them “terrorists.” These people, who commit daily crimes and unprecedented
atrocities, come from around the world of a variety of ethnic and religious
backgrounds among which Western Christians and non-believers are most active.
Some of them appear to be criminal by nature for whom fighting and killing is a
sort of mental pleasure. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">It is most plausible that
terrorist elements coming from Europe and elsewhere in the world to fight in
Syria and Iraq will sooner or later go back to their homeland and with the
experience they gained could pose a serious danger to the stability and
security of states of their origin.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn20" name="_ftnref20" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn20;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[20]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The spread of terrorism is an
alarming threat to the peace and order of the international system. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
world in general and vulnerable regions such as the Middle East should urgently
guard against the consequences of this dangerous development before it is too
late. The fate of the “Nation-State” depends on the proper management of this
impending crisis and its wider implications./ </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;">
<br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">*<b>Ali Asghar Kazemi </b>is
professor of Law and International Relations, Faculty of Law and Political
Science, Science & Research Branch- Islamic Azad University Tehran-Iran. </span><br />
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[1]</span></span></span></span></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"> The terms nation,
state, country and <b>nation-state </b>are used to refer to political,
economic, social and cultural actors in the international system. The modern
nation-state refers to a single or multiple nationalities joined together in a
formal political union. The nation-state determines an official language(s), a
system of law, manages a currency system, uses a bureaucracy to order elements
of society, and fosters loyalties to abstract entities like "Canada,"
"the United States," and so on. Cf,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>: http://www.towson.edu/polsci/ppp/sp97/realism/whatisns.htm</span><br />
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[2]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"> The informal term
"<b>Soviet Empire</b>" is used by critics of the Soviet Union and
Russian nationalists to refer to that country's perceived imperialist foreign
policy during the Cold War. The nations said to be part of the "Soviet
Empire" were officially independent countries with separate governments
that set their own policies to some extent, but those policies had to remain
within certain limits decided by the Soviet Union and enforced by threat of
intervention by Warsaw Pact (Hungary 1956, Czechoslovakia 1968, Poland 1980).
Countries in this situation are often called satellite states.Some scholars
hold that the Soviet Union was a hybrid entity containing elements common to
both multinational empires and <b>nation states</b>., Maoists argued that the
Soviet Union had itself become an imperialist power while maintaining a
socialist façade. Cf. .wikipedia.org/wiki/Soviet_Empire</span><br />
</div>
<div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[3]</span></span></span></span></a> <i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">Ibid</span></i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"></span></div>
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</div>
<div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[4]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> <span class="srtitle"><b>Ottoman Empire</b></span><b>,</b> empire
created by Turkish tribes in Anatolia. One of the most powerful states in the
world during the 15th and 16th centuries, it spanned more than 600 years and
came to an end only in 1922, when it was replaced by the Turkish Republic and
various successor states in southeastern Europe and the Middle East. At its
height the empire included most of southeastern Europe to the gates of Vienna,
including modern Hungary, Serbia, Bosnia, Romania, Greece, and Ukraine; Iraq,
Syria, Israel, and Egypt; North Africa as far west as Algeria; and most of the
Arabian Peninsula. The term Ottoman is a dynastic appellation derived from
Osman the nomadic Turkmen chief who founded both the dynasty and the empire.
See:</span> <span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/434996/Ottoman-Empire</span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn5" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[5]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"> The <b>Cold War</b>
(1947–1991) was a state of political and military tension after World War II
between powers in the Western Bloc (the United States, its NATO allies and
others) and powers in the Eastern Bloc (the Soviet Union and its allies in the
Warsaw Pact).Cf. wikipedia.org/wiki/Cold_War</span><br />
</div>
<div id="ftn6" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[6]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"> <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Russia comprises 21 republics (states) which
enjoy a high degree of autonomy on most issues and which correspond to some of
Russia's numerous ethnic minorities. The Russian Federation is home to as many
as 160 different ethnic groups and indigenous peoples, although the majority
(81 percent) are ethnic Russians. </span><span style="font-size: 10.0pt;">Russia
has from 10 to 20 million Muslims, constituting the largest religious minority.</span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"> See: http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Russian_Federation</span><br />
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</div>
<div id="ftn7" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[7]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> The <b>Kurds</b><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>are an Iranian ethnic group in the Middle
East, mostly inhabiting a region known as Kurdistan, which spans adjacent parts
of Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Turkey. The Kurds are an Iranian people and speak the
Kurdish languages, which form a subgroup of the Northwestern Iranian branch of
Iranian languages.</span></div>
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</div>
<div id="ftn8" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[8]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> On <b>September 11, 2001</b>, 19
militants associated with the Islamic extremist group al-Qaeda hijacked four
airliners and carried out suicide attacks against targets in the United States.
Two of the planes were flown into the towers of the World Trade Center in New
York City, a third plane hit the Pentagon just outside Washington, D.C., and
the fourth plane crashed in a field in Pennsylvania.</span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">See: http://www.history.com/topics/9-11-attacks#</span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
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</div>
<div id="ftn9" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn9;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[9]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> The <b>Syrian Civil War</b> also known
as the Syrian Uprising is an ongoing armed conflict taking place in Syria. The
unrest began in the early spring of 2011 within the context of Arab Spring
protests, with nationwide protests against President Bashar al-Assad's
government, whose forces responded with violent crackdowns. The conflict
gradually morphed from popular protests to an armed rebellion after months of
military sieges. As of April 2014 the death toll had risen above 190,000 .</span>
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">More than 6.5 million Syrians have
been displaced, more than 3 million Syrians have fled the country to countries
such as Lebanon, Jordan, Turkey, Egypt, and Iraq and become refugees, and
millions more have been left in poor living conditions with shortages of food
and drinking water. See:</span> <span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">.wikipedia.org/wiki/Syrian_Civil_War</span></div>
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn10;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[10]</span></b></span></span></span></i></span></a><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> See below</span></i></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn11" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<h1 style="margin-bottom: 6.5pt;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref11" name="_ftn11" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn11;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; font-weight: normal; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: major-fareast;">[11]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; font-weight: normal; line-height: 115%;"> See: Jonathan Schanzer, “ At War With
Whom?<br />
A short history of radical Islam<i>”</i></span><i><span style="color: windowtext; font-weight: normal;"> </span></i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; font-weight: normal; line-height: 115%;">In <i>Middle
East Forum </i>Spring 2002.</span></h1>
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</div>
<div id="ftn12" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref12" name="_ftn12" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn12;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[12]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> See:
wikipedia.org/wiki/Islamic_extremism</span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn13" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref13" name="_ftn13" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn13;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[13]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"> Terrorism in Pakistan
has become a major and highly destructive phenomenon in recent years. The
annual death toll from terrorist attacks has risen from 164 in 2003 to 3318 in
2009, with a total of 35,000 Pakistanis killed between September 11, 2001 and
May 2011.<sup> </sup>According to the government of Pakistan, the direct and
indirect economic costs of terrorism from 2000–2010 total $68 billion.
See:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>- Hassan Abbas. <i>Pakistan's Drift
Into Extremism: Allah, The Army, And America's War On Terror</i>, M.E. Sharpe,
2004 </span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>- Tariq Ali. <i>Can Pakistan Survive? The
Death of a State</i>, Penguin Books Ltd, 1983</span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn14" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref14" name="_ftn14" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn14;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[14]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"> <b>Boko Haram</b>
("Western education is forbidden"), officially called <i>Jama'atu
Ahlis Sunna Lidda'Awati Wal-Jihad</i> (People Committed to the Prophet's
Teachings for Propagation and Jihad), is a militant Islamist movement based in
northeast Nigeria. The group was designated by the United States as a terrorist
organization in November 2013. Membership has been estimated to number between
a few hundred and a few thousand. Boko Haram killed more than 5,000 civilians
between July 2009 and June 2014, including at least 2,000 in the first half of
2014, in attacks occurring mainly in northeast, north central and central states
of Nigeria. Corruption in the security services and human rights abuses
committed by them have hampered efforts to counter the unrest. Since 2009 Boko
Haram have abducted more than 500 women and children, including the kidnapping
of 276 schoolgirls from Chibok in April 2014. Nearly 650,000 people had fled
the conflict zone by August 2014, an increase of 200,000 since May.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">See:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boko_Haram#cite_note-news_24-11</span><br />
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref15" name="_ftn15" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn15;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[15]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> See:
wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Islamic_terrorist_attacks</span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn16" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref16" name="_ftn16" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn16;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[16]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Cf.</span>
<i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Ibid</span></i></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn17" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref17" name="_ftn17" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn17;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[17]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> Libya was behind many terrorist actions
among which the destroying of<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pan Am
Flight 103 scheduled transatlantic flight from London's Heathrow Airport to New
York's John F. Kennedy International Airport is most notable. On Wednesday 21
December 1988, the aircraft -a Boeing 747–121 was destroyed by a Libyan agent <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>bomb, killing all 243 passengers and 16 crew
members. Eleven people in Lockerbie, southern Scotland, were killed as large
sections of the plane fell in and around the town, bringing total fatalities to
270.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn18" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref18" name="_ftn18" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn18;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[18]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> While extremist groups are generally
amorphous organizations, <b>ISIS</b> can trace its history directly back to the
Sunni terrorist organization al Qaeda, specifically the Iraq faction, al Qaeda
in Iraq (AQI). AQI, led by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, was responsible for scores of
bombings, kidnappings and beheadings in Iraq following the U.S. invasion there.
After al-Zarqawi was killed in 2006 by an American airstrike, leadership of the
group eventually fell to an experienced Iraqi fighter, Abu Du’a, better known
as Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.</span><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Georgia; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Georgia;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">See:</span>
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">http://abcnews.go.com/WN/fullpage/isis-trail-terror-isis-threat-us-25053190</span></div>
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<div id="ftn19" style="mso-element: footnote;">
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref19" name="_ftn19" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn19;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[19]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> <span class="srtitle"><b>Caliphate</b></span><b>,</b> the
political-religious state comprising the Muslim community and the lands and
peoples under its dominion in the centuries following the death (632 <span class="bps-small-text">ce</span>) of the Prophet Muhammad. Ruled by a <a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="ref135893"></a>caliph<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“successor”,
who held temporal and sometimes a degree of spiritual authority, the empire of
the Caliphate grew rapidly through conquest during its first two centuries to include
most of Southwest Asia, North Africa, and Spain. Dynastic struggles later
brought about the Caliphate’s decline, and it ceased to exist with the Mongol
destruction of Baghdad in 1258. The concept of the caliphate took on new
significance in the 18th century as an instrument of statecraft in the
declining Ottoman Empire.</span> <span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">The
caliphate was abolished in 1924, following the dissolution of the Ottoman
Empire and the rise of the Turkish Republic. See: http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/89739/Caliphate</span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn20" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref20" name="_ftn20" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn20;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[20]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"> . Belgium has been put
on edge over potential Islamist terrorist attacks for the second time in four
months amid reports that a man and woman who had returned from the war in Syria
via Turkey were plotting an assault on the European Union's main offices in
Brussels. With governments across Europe increasingly preoccupied by the risks
arising from the return of nationals who have joined gone to Syria and Iraq to
join Islamic State (Isis), concern is particularly high in Belgium.
Four-hundred Belgians are said to have travelled to Syria to join the
extremists, usually via Turkey and its long, porous border into the war zone.
While that figure is much lower than the estimates for Britain, France or
Germany, proportionately and in per capita terms Belgium is believed to have
the highest number in Europe of would-be jihadists travelling to Syria. See : http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/sep/21/couple-returning-belgium-syria-plotted-assault-eu-berlaymont-building-brussels.</span><br />
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* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran.
Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-75058258856671770762014-10-16T06:43:00.000-07:002014-10-16T06:43:37.937-07:00 ISIL: The Messenger of Hate and Terror<br />
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<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ISIL:
The Messenger of Hate and Terror</span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Ali
Asghar Kazemi</span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 8.0pt; line-height: 115%;">16 October
2014</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">_____________________</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Fourteen
centuries after the advent of Islam in the Arabic Peninsula that thoroughly
changed the face of the Middle East, North Africa and later the whole world, a
new waves of Islamic invasion is taking place against the 21<sup>st</sup> century‘s
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>modern <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>civilization. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Amid <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>various
internal and regional conflicts in the crisis-ridden Middle East particularly
in Syria and Iraq, the sudden emergence of what was initially called “Islamic
state of Iraq and the Levant” (ISIL) and later changed into a wider term i.e. “Islamic
Caliphate,” engulfed the region into a catastrophic situation that alarmed the
international system as a whole. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">With
the prolongation of crisis situation in Syria, factions of Al-Qaida and other
Islamic Jihadists, who were supposed to assist Syrian opposition groups to
fight against Assad regime, formed a coalition with a view to take over the
whole territory of Syria and Iraq as a bridge-point to expand to the East. They
have issued maps and plans of their territorial ambitions that expand from
Atlantic Ocean to the South East Asia. They are calling on all people including
Christian and non-Sunni Moslem (i.e. Shi’a etc.) to submit to the rules of
Islamic Caliphate. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Atrocities that they
have committed so far are beyond explanations; arbitrary killings of people, beheading
of foreign journalists, slave taking of women and children <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>in the cities and towns subjugated, are only
parts of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>carnage they have committed so
far. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Some
commentators expressed the opinion that Western powers have paved the way for
the creation<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>of this fundamentalist
group which in fact is the most radical and aggressive faction among Islamic cults.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some others have put the blame on countries
that have helped Syrian regime to resist opposition groups and survived horrendous
internal uprisings that caused the lives of hundred thousand innocent people
who were inspired from “Arab Spring” and wanted to change their regime. Still
some other believe that whole story relate to Iran’s nuclear ambitions and the conception
of this radical Vahabi ( <i>Takfiri or Salafi</i>) group associated with
Saudi-Arabia and arch-enemy of Shiism is to neutralize Iran’s threat to the majority
Sunnis of the Middle East.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Whichever hypothesis we adhere with makes no
difference on the consequence of this formidable and complex phenomenon which
is<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the emergence of a extremely radical
group that preach the fundamental Islam and wants to expand its norms to the
whole world by way of terror and hatred. The fact of the matter is that despite
a large military coalition under the United States of America against this
group they are fighting to gain more lands on daily basis and so far there is
no sign of halt in their rather fast expansion. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">In
a religious context “Islam” means “voluntary submission to God.”<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_edn1" name="_ednref1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span></span></span></a>
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Even, in some verses of the Qur’an,
there is stress on the quality of Islam as an internal conviction:
"Whomsoever God desires to guide, He opens his heart to Islam."<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_edn2" name="_ednref2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span></span></span></a>
But, it all appear that the ISIL is using not the power of discourse and conviction
to attract people to their religious precepts rather they use fire arms to
obtain their weird <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>objectives./</span></div>
<div style="mso-element: endnote-list;">
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<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<div id="edn1" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ednref1" name="_edn1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> <span class="citation">Lewis, Barnard;
Churchill, Buntzie Ellis (2009). <a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=IVyMAvW9slYC&pg=PA8&dq=surrender+to+will+of+God+islam"><i>Islam:
The Religion and The People</i></a>. Wharton School Publishing. p. 8. </span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn2" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=9752376#_ednref2" name="_edn2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"> </span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quran" title="Quran">Quran</a> <a href="http://www.usc.edu/org/cmje/religious-texts/quran/verses/006-qmt.php#006.125">6:125</a>,
<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quran" title="Quran">Quran</a> <a href="http://www.usc.edu/org/cmje/religious-texts/quran/verses/061-qmt.php#061.007">61:7</a>,
<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quran" title="Quran">Quran</a> <a href="http://www.usc.edu/org/cmje/religious-texts/quran/verses/039-qmt.php#039.022">39:22</a>
cf.:</span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"> <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span class="citation"><span id="CITEREFL._Gardet">L. Gardet; J. Jomier. "Islam". <i>Encyclopaedia
of Islam Online</i>.</span></span></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
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* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran.
Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-91284203888586792992013-11-08T07:26:00.001-08:002013-11-08T07:26:07.524-08:00Prospects for Peace and Security in the Persian Gulf<p><b></b></p> <h3><b></b></h3> <h3><b>Prospects for Peace and Security in the Persian Gulf</b></h3> <h4>Ali Asghar Kazemi<a href="#_ftn1_6016" name="_ftnref1_6016">*</a></h4> <p>____________________________________________<b></b></p> <p><b></b></p> <p><b>Keywords:</b> Persian Gulf, Security arrangement, threat perception, arms race, regional balance of power, Iran’s regional strategy, United States global strategy, regional integration, security community, limited bipolarity, regional multi-polar system…</p> <p><b>Summary</b></p> <p>The main questions addressed in this paper are the followings:</p> <p>· What are the sources of threats perceived to endanger the security and stability of the Persian Gulf in the new strategic environment, particularly in the post-Saddam period?</p> <p>· What is the optimum policy alternative in order to preserve peace and stability in this strategic region?</p> <p>It will be argued that the best option is a policy based on the following premises: </p> <p>· There is no consensus on the threats endangering the stability of the Persian Gulf among regional and non-regional actors;</p> <p>· The security business of the Persian Gulf should be left solely to initiative of coastal States;</p> <p>· Any forced security and defense arrangement under the patronage and tutorship of an outside power would tend to be counterproductive and may further stir-up insecurity in the region;</p> <p>· The best alternative would be the creation of a “security community,” based on political, economic, commercial, environmental, and cultural cooperative interaction of the coastal States, in such a way that all would benefit from it and none of them would feel threatened by the others.<b></b></p> <p><b></b></p> <p><b></b></p> <p><b></b></p> <p><b>Introduction</b></p> <p><b></b></p> <p>Unlike the period of the cold war and the bipolar era, today, after the second American military intervention in Iraq, there is no consensus among the Persian Gulf States that the security of this important strategic region is threatened by any major regional or extra-regional hostile power. Furthermore, the global threat of terrorism seems not be deterred by conventional security arrangements. Therefore, the need for a regional defense pact and security deal, especially under the patronage and tutorship of any outside power, especially the United States, is not widely felt or appreciated by the interested States of this strategic region. </p> <p>With the victory of Barrack Obama as a democrat President in the United States, there seems to be a perplexing commitment by the U.S. administration to continue on the achievement of American strategy in the greater Middle East, including the Persian Gulf. Furthermore, with the continued U.S. entanglement in Iraq and Afghanistan, stalemate in the Palestinian peace negotiations, and the rising threat of radicalism in the region, prospects for peace in the Middle East and security arrangement the Persian Gulf seem to be more complex and less promising than before. </p> <p>At the outset, in order to devise an adequate security arrangement, it should be determined: first what is the threat and who needs a security and defense arrangement in the Persian Gulf for what purpose? And second, what is the best alternative to maintain peace, stability and order in this region?</p> <p>It will be argued here that: it seems only the United States of America perceives its self-proclaimed vital interests and its worldwide superpower position are challenged and threatened in this strategic region. Furthermore, it is suggested that the main threat to the security and stability come from within the nations of the region and therefore the best alternative for the present day Persian Gulf is to build a “security community” based on economic, commercial, cultural, and environmental cooperation among coastal States that could ease the path to friendly relations and gradual process of “democratization.” Otherwise, any forced security arrangement, oriented toward defense matters like: military build-up, “balance of power,” leading to arms race, particularly when it is initiated from outside the region, will be susceptible to become an unwanted source of instability.</p> <p><b></b></p> <p><b>Changing Security Perception after September 11 </b></p> <p><b></b></p> <p>Security is a multifaceted relative concept that can have different meanings for different people and in different contexts. It is perceptual and therefore, depending on whose view we observe it, can lead to diverse implication. When we speak of national, regional, or global security, we usually have in mind some sort of threat or risk that could endanger the established order and <i>status quo</i>. </p> <p>During the cold war, international and regional security had a more or less concrete meaning. The United States of America and the defunct Soviet Union, as two opposing superpowers, representing two divergent ideologies, were at the forefront of a worldwide conflict and competition, with enormous capability of annihilating each other from the surface of the earth. They were in permanent state of alert about any move from the other side, which could threaten the balance, security and interests of the rival camp. Thus, came about various paradigms and theories conceptualizing such strategies and doctrines as: balance of power, deterrence, balance of terror, Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD), institutional paranoia… and a number of other stratagems devised to contain one of the opponenat from expanding its influence in the sphere of the other.</p> <p>The results of such permanent conflicts and competitions were a number of security arrangements by the West, which included a virtual security belt by the United States around the Soviet territory, starting from NATO in Europe, linking to CENTO in the Middle East, and SEATO further to the East, ending up to ANZUS. On the other hand, the Warsaw Pact, including almost all ex-Soviet satellites in Eastern Europe, was considered as a major rival to the NATO.</p> <p>With the end of the cold war and the collapse of the Soviet Union, as the main ideological and military rival of the United States, many of the security arrangements and defense pacts had become useless. Since, one side of the power balance and supposedly the main source of threat to the free world had totally disappeared. Expectations of a world free of tensions and crises after the cold war, led to the belief that following the dismantling of the Warsaw Pact, its rival in the West (i.e. the NATO) would have to experience the same happy ending. But unfortunately, this anticipation proved to be wrong in the new world strategic configuration and with the emergence of quite new sources of threats, namely “terrorism,” as non-state actor in international relations. </p> <p>September 11 experience has undoubtedly changed the conventional security perceptions, not only in the United States of America, which was the direct victim of an unprecedented terrorist attack, but also throughout the world, including the Middle East and the Persian Gulf. Today it is crystal clear that conventional wisdom and rational strategic thinking about enemy, threats, security, force structure, balance of power, deterrence, and a host of other terms and theories have been drastically affected by new events.</p> <p>In the new world power configuration, though the United States became the sole superpower, with a host of functions and responsibilities to be fulfilled throughout the world, only after the September 11 this opportunity was legitimately put into action. The events were indeed a tremendous occurrence for the US to plan its world security policy and strategy in that direction. Meanwhile however, there emerged a major division of opinion among Americans in the field of international relations and politics between those who felt that US national strategy in the post-cold war era should be limited to its continental interests. The argument was that a single nation- no matter how powerful- should not relate its national interests to the requirements of collective (global) or selective (regional) security.</p> <p>The proponents of this latter view justify their position by saying that the US should not extend its security perimeter to regions far beyond its territory, merely on abstract and ambiguous principles, such as coping with terrorism, maintaining global security, forceful democratization, etc. To them, a regional security arrangement that does not genuinely serve the interests of states of a region, such as the Persian Gulf, is not likely to survive or to be effective in the long run. This is the case of many regional military alliances, like the CENTO, which ceased to exist after the revolution in Iran.</p> <p><b>Problem of Security in the Persian Gulf Region</b></p> <p>Historically, the Russians aspirations and interests in the general area of the straits and the Persian Gulf were the primordial source of preoccupation for the West. After World War II, the United States took an increasingly keen interest in the area. Since 1950’s the Americans concentrated on organizing the defense of the region against communist oriented destabilizing forces.<b> </b>As mentioned above, American efforts in the past (from 1945 on) to organize the defense of the Middle East and the Persian Gulf were rationalized by reference to aggressive strategy of the ex-Soviet during the cold war. However, the justification is no longer valid now, unless, it is proved by hard evidence that any of the local or regional States are becoming a source of threat.</p> <p>The end of bi-polar era and the cold war was a break time for strategic planners and policy makers who were so much anxious with the perennial problem of security interests in the Persian Gulf. Yet, they had no time to revise their plan, when the new phenomenon of religious radicalism emerged as a very serious challenge to the peace and order of the region. This time, the antagonizing forces directly targeted US interests and military presence in the region.</p> <p>Interestingly, these radical forces mainly come from the heart of American allies in the region, namely Saudi Arabia, as one of long time US friends. Many observers believe that American military presence in Saudi Arabia and elsewhere in the region was an incontestable factor, which led to the rise of anti-American sentiments in this Moslem country. As we well know by now, almost all the planners and those who actually executed the 9/11 attacks were Saudi nationals. Therefore, US security interests, as viewed and pursued by American policy makers, are primarily threatened by unconventional low-level violence directed by radical Moslem zealous scattered around the region. They have not necessarily any national identity or any headquarters or even any identifiable leader. They are omnipresent and ready to die for the cause they believe just and legitimate. Indeed, it is quite difficult to face such a bizarre enemy and to cope him with conventional means.</p> <p>To this situation we should add the new emerging conditions in Iraq, which is susceptible to threaten the overall regional security in the Middle East. As we are observing these days, Iraq is becoming a fertile ground for such a seemingly irrational behavior of those who were once subjugated by Saddam Hussein and then cherished his downfall by American forces, but now fiercely fight their saviors. Perhaps Moslem people, disregard of their religious schisms, are unique in this respect; and indeed this makes it difficult for an outsider to fully understand and realize such characteristics. Those who perform such savage and outrageous acts as beheading the innocent hostages in Iraq cannot be judged by conventional standards of human rights or any religious principles. One must go deep into their heart and inner-self in order to comprehend their hatred and revulsion with regard to American and foreign forces in their land.</p> <p>Elsewhere in the region the situation is not better. The lives of all foreign contractors in littoral Arab States of the Persian Gulf are exposed to permanent daily threats. Nobody can feel safe in these countries and nobody is immune from the danger of being kidnapped or terrorized by radical groups. Though the number of these zealous radicals might be very small, but the impacts of their deeds are widespread and very frightening for those foreigners who live and work in these territories. Sooner or later this will have negative impacts on the economy and internal stability of these countries, paving the way either for further despotism or total collapse of the incumbent regimes.</p> <p>Besides the threat of terrorism, as non-state actor, performing by unconventional means and tactics, there seems to be no other state directly threatening the security of the region. In the past two decades all fingers were pointed to Iran and Iraq, as two revolutionary antagonistic regimes, with the capacity of threatening the stability of the Middle East. Now that Iraq’s regime was overthrown by US military intervention, the only remaining state on the chess game, potentially capable of challenging the US presence in the Persian Gulf, seems to be Iran. But the question is whether and in what circumstances Iran might be a source of threat to the stability of a region upon which itself is very much dependent? In fact, as we well know, Iran’s economy and its very survival are very much dependent on the oil revenues for which the Persian Gulf is a real artery. Therefore, a common sense approach to the question may not easily support the argument.</p> <p><b>Iran</b><b> and the Security of the Persian Gulf </b></p> <p>Since the British withdrawal from the Persian Gulf in late 1960’s, a number of speculations have been made by defense analysts about Iran’s role in filling the power vacuum created in this strategic region. Shah’s strategy supported by the West was to build a viable maritime power in order to supplant the vacuity hence produced. Iranian naval build-up, along with other forces from various sources, especially the United States, throughout the mid 1970’s was a good indication of Iran’s assertion to replace the British void. But, with the advent of the revolution, the dream did not come through and the new regime canceled all defense contracts, merely out of revolutionary fervor. But, soon after the war with Iraq in 1980, the need for a strong navy was felt.</p> <p>Nonetheless, the Iranian Navy was able to dominate the Persian Gulf and to deny the enemy from any access to the sea, even during the first stages of the war, thanks to the advanced ships and well-trained Navy personnel. It was during this period that the coastal States of the Persian Gulf formed a coalition (the GCC) with the help and support of extra-regional powers, in order to contain the belligerent States (Iran and Iraq) from threatening their security. The global strategy then was that none of the antagonistic powers should be victor in the all-out war. Since, the would-be-winner might endanger the stability and order of the region upon the conclusion of the hostilities. Nevertheless, Iraq invaded Kuwait soon after the termination of active hostilities and establishment of cease-fire with Iran in 1988. </p> <p>The first US military intervention in Iraq in 1990 forced this country out of Kuwait, but left the so-called butcher of Baghdad and the Baath regime to remain in power, fearing that the revolutionary Iran might take advantage from the occasion to expand its supremacy over region. Now, upon the second US military intervention in Iraq, and the downfall of Saddam and the collapse of Baath regime, we are again at the first square. The downfall of Saddam Hussein and the Baath regime was indeed a miraculous blessing for Iranian religious leaders and average Iranians combatants who fought so zealously to liberate the sacred Shiite holy shrines in Iraq. In fact, the United States has fulfilled the long dream of overthrowing the atrocious regime of Saddam, for which about half a million of Iranians had sacrificed their life during the 8-year war.</p> <p>With the fall of Iraq’s regime, Iran has become naturally the sole regional power, with more or less strong military capacity and war experience, supposedly capable of threatening the stability of the region. Iran’s quest to acquire nuclear technology has added a new dimension to the belief, which in the view of the United States, is susceptible to become a nuclear actor. Iranians leaders, while denying their hostile intention in acquiring nuclear technology, just the same, do not conceal their objective of securing the Persian Gulf from outside interventions. Since, they claim, they have legitimate interests not only in the Persian Gulf, but also all around the land territories, where the US forces are stationed, namely in Afghanistan and Iraq. In other words, Iran perceives real threat from the US military presence in the region, and will eventually use any means and leverage to contain such hostile posture near its territory.</p> <p>Iran has always followed the dictum, both during the Shah’s regime and after the revolution, that the Persian Gulf should be secure for all or for nobody. This means that any security arrangement that guards vis a vis Iran’s genuine interests in the region, may find its way to total disillusionment.</p> <p>Iran, like other States, with extended coasts, territorial waters and offshore resources, with a population well beyond those of all Arab States of the Persian Gulf, claims to be pursuing its legitimate interests in the region. Despite the fact that Iran may have divergent views with its neighbors, nonetheless, it has many common interests with them as far as the American presence in the region is concerned. To be explicit, almost all Arab States of the Persian Gulf, while cherished the downfall of Saddam Hussein in Iraq and Talibans in Afghanistan, now perceive a real threat from the American policy of democratization of the greater Middle East. This feeling, which is sometimes concealed under the surface and is not expressed openly, makes it very difficult for the United States to embark on any collective security arrangement in the region, particularly if Iran is excluded from the equation.</p> <p>On the other hand, Iran has a lot of common interests with the coastal States of the Persian Gulf that, if properly pursued, can lead to cooperative behavior of mutual interests. Otherwise, a competitive and aggressive conduct could create suspicion and further misunderstanding. Such situation may stir-up antagonism in the region and thus necessitating foreign powers presence and intervention.</p> <p><b></b></p> <p><b>Who Really Needs a Security Arrangement in the Persian Gulf?</b></p> <p>The Persian Gulf, which has always been referred to as the perennial dream of Peter the Great Russian Tsar, became the pivot point of American strategy after the second World War, especially during the cold war. But, no special security arrangement has ever been envisaged for this important strategic waterway, which still is considered as the jugular artery of the Western and far-Eastern economy. The coastal States of the region also have never been able to create an all-inclusive regional security pact together with two rival powers, Iran and Iraq, neither during the pro-West Shah nor after the revolution in Iran.</p> <p>With the fresh victory of Republicans in recent US elections, the chances for conservative elements to continue to assume American worldwide strategy are very high. This means that the United States will be committed to the stability and security of the Middle East and the Persian Gulf. This is indeed a formidable task for which neither the U.S. on the one hand, nor the Persian Gulf States are ready to perform, particularly in the light of the fluid situation in Iraq and the wider Middle East.</p> <p>As we stated above, when we speak of security arrangement in a particular region, we usually have in mind some kind of threat coming from a particular source for which individual or group of states are not prepared to face. And therefore, the need for a collective initiative to alleviate the preoccupation of the perceived threat is felt. That was the case during the cold war and bipolar system, in which the danger of communism was regarded as a major threat to the peace and security of the free world. </p> <p>Iraq- Iran war in 1980 in a way expedited the Arab States of the Persian Gulf to conclude the [Persian] Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) pact, excluding the two hostiles countries, fearing that they might be dragged to an undesired alliance, which could threaten their very existence. But the GCC has never had the capacity of assuming any meaningful and efficient security function during tensions and crises in the region. </p> <p>A number of impediments can be identified for this lack of efficiency, among which perhaps the most critical was too much reliance on outside powers, namely American forces stationed in the Persian Gulf. While, as we all know, in recent years, especially after the first US invasion of Iraq, during the Kuwait crisis in 1991, the American military buildup and presence in the region gradually became a major source of security concern in most traditional conservative States of the region. After the second American military intervention in Iraq, which ended up to the collapse of Saddam’s cruel regime, and the message of the so-called democratization plan of the greater Middle East, the apprehension of almost all States of the region became much more alarming, to the point that some now consider the United States as the primary threat to them.</p> <p>Indeed, it is not a secret now that the main threats to the very existence and stability of most regimes in power in the region come from within. This is to say that if someday the democratization process somehow gets started, the first victims would be the regimes now in power. Since, they would have to adapt themselves to democratic values, as understood by the West, which undoubtedly give way to their opponents; a scenario that is considered as a disaster for the region.</p> <p>Thus, realistically speaking, any security arrangement in the Persian Gulf, on the initiative of the United States, and on the assumption of fictive enemies and threat perception, would be doomed to failure. Unless the Americans explicitly declare that the objective of such a security apparatus is mainly directed to secure U.S. self-declared “vital interests,” as sometimes affirmed by policy statements in Washington, in which case the matter would be looked at quite differently inside the region. In other words, we have to define first whose security is intended to be protected against what threat in a presumed regional arrangement in the Persian Gulf?</p> <p>Nevertheless, if the true intention is to prepare the ground for mutual and collective cooperation in the Persian Gulf region, with a view to promote stability and friendly relations among the coastal States; there are other schemes that can be devised without outside intervention. Such design, in which all regional and non-regional parties could benefit, will hopefully help to eradicate the roots of terrorism, emanating from hatred, revulsion and greed. “Security community” is one such scheme, which both in theory and practice, has proven to be useful in other regions of the world and can be applied in the Persian Gulf without much difficulty.</p> <p><b></b></p> <p><b>Toward a “Security Community” in the Persian Gulf</b></p> <p><b></b></p> <p>“Security community” is a regional system in which none of the neighboring states feels threatened by the others. The concept was originally identified by a number of political and international scientists belonging to the “communication school.” <a href="#_ftn2_6016" name="_ftnref2_6016">[1]</a> This approach seeks to measure the process and the degree of regional security integration by promoting the flow of transactions in the fields of trade, tourists, and economic and cultural exchanges. This may gradually include cooperation and coordination in other domains of mutual benefits and interests such as immigration, terrorism, environmental pollution, narcotic substances, piracy, search and rescue at sea, etc.</p> <p>The main characteristic of a security community in this approach is that countries involved in this system need not to conclude a formal military security arrangement in order to secure their national interests. Since presumably, there are so many mutual interests involved in such a community that individual actors are reluctant to do any thing that may change the <i>status quo</i>. In other words, this is a situation in which nobody would be better off by using forces in order to settle its disputes with others. NAFTA and European Community (EU) might be cited as successful examples of such communities.</p> <p>Of course, the Persian Gulf shall go a long way in order to reach that stage of security integration. But this does not mean that states involved in this geo-strategic region could not embark in such direction. Given the fact that it is awfully hard to initiate a military security arrangement without preparing the ground from various point of views, especially if a non-regional power takes the lead, the establishment of a security community, which is based on gradual and incremental process of integration, seems much more accessible and useful. Because in the course of increasing interactions, states will have a chance to test each other and attract mutual confidence, and gradually go from low-politics (i.e. trade, immigration, environment, etc) to high-politics (i.e. security, terrorism, military alliance, etc).</p> <p>Unlike the ordinary security arrangements in which permanent preoccupation prevails with respect to immense problems, the security community will not have to bother with such consideration as the followings:</p> <p>· The tentative parties to the agreement,</p> <p>· The financial and material resources to be allocated to such arrangement,</p> <p>· The level of forces required for neutralizing a potential threat,</p> <p>· The balance it should preserve with respect to the would-be enemy,</p> <p>· The place the forces should be stationed and trained for eventual deployment, </p> <p>· The command and control to be assumed for efficient use of the forces, </p> <p>· The structure, combination and posture of such forces,</p> <p>· The role of outside powers in the formation, organization and management of such forces,</p> <p>· Others.</p> <p>A tentative security community can include all coastal states of the Persian Gulf as the core members, and may at a later stage enlarge its membership by inviting other interested states in the contiguous regions. It can be envisaged that the gradual success of a security community will pave the way for effective cooperation to eliminate roots of intolerance, hatred and terror in the region. Since, as many believe, religious fanaticism and radicalism seek their source in unequal distribution of wealth, undemocratic oppressive regimes, lack of civil societies, corruption, and the like, which hold back the social, economic and political development of traditional societies. </p> <p>Any artificial arrangement initiated from outside the region with any real or assumed security pretext may have a number of negative impacts such as the following, which in the final account will be counter-productive to the region and the world order as a whole: </p> <p>· Unnecessary waste of resources in order to form a military security coalition which would be an unjust burden to states of the region,</p> <p>· Risk of rising the level of hostilities between regional states and outside powers for their meddling with the internal affairs of the region,</p> <p>· Risk of setting aside a particular state from the security arrangement, and thus opening the door for new misunderstanding and animosity,</p> <p>· Risk of some individual state to engage in some kind of arms-races, leading to total economic and political bankruptcy,</p> <p>· Risk of inviting new forms of terrorism in the region, using unconventional means to cope with foreign presence in the Persian Gulf,</p> <p>· Increase the level of internal threats against the security of undemocratic traditional states, hence causing further destabilization in the region,</p> <p>· Other unknown impacts for which the Persian Gulf region cannot afford the risks. </p> <h5></h5> <h5></h5> <h5></h5> <h5>Conclusion</h5> <p>Though it is rather risky to reach a conclusion from recent developments in the region, there seems to be no consensus among regional states on the source, magnitude and direction of threats that could give reason for American presence and endeavor for a defense and security arrangement in the Persian Gulf. While observers from outside the region might argue convincingly for a military coalition and security arrangement with the US assistance and partnership, especially in the wake of American entanglement in Iraq and Afghanistan, a realistic view from inside the region would warn against such venture. Therefore, the main conclusions that can be derived from this short paper are as follow:</p> <p>· There is no consensus on the threats endangering the stability of the Persian Gulf among regional and non-regional actors,</p> <p>· The security business of the Persian Gulf should be left solely to initiative of coastal States,</p> <p>· Any forced security and defense arrangement under the patronage and tutorship of an outside power would tend to be counterproductive and may further stir-up insecurity in the region,</p> <p>· The United States military presence and partnerships with some parties in the Persian Gulf against specific state, such as Iran, would undermine peace and security of the region,</p> <p>· The best alternative would be the creation of a “ security community,” based on political, economic, commercial, environmental, and cultural cooperative interaction of the coastal States, in such a way that all would benefit from it and none of them would feel threaten by the</p> <p>___________</p> <hr align="left" width="33%" size="1" /> <p><a href="#_ftnref1_6016" name="_ftn1_6016">*</a> Dr. Kazemi is Professor of international law and Politics at the Faculty of Law and Political Science, Islamic Azad University (Science and Research Branch). For more detail please consult <i>www.aakazemi.blogspot.com</i></p> <p><a href="#_ftnref2_6016" name="_ftn2_6016">[1]</a> Karl W. Deutsch and his associates </p> Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-53283053341675473752013-11-02T05:41:00.001-07:002013-11-02T05:41:58.964-07:00Strategic Implications of WMD Proliferation in the Middle East<h1>Strategic Implications of WMD Proliferation in theMiddle East</h1> <h4><i>Ali-Asghar Kazemi<a href="#_ftn1_5253" name="_ftnref1_5253"><b>[1]</b></a> </i></h4> <p><b>______________________________</b></p> <p><b></b></p> <p><b>Keywords</b>: Middle East, arms race, WMD proliferation, Non-Proliferation Treaty, Israel’s WMD capability, Iran’s nuclear project, CWC and BWC Conventions.</p> <p><strong>Introduction</strong></p> <p>The problem of arms race and military competitions in the Middle East is not a new subject. During the cold war and before the revolution in Iran, we experienced harsh rivalries between oil-rich states. Western great powers, which were the main source of arms deals, also competed among themselves to sell more arms to the region. The pretext in those days was to counter the communist threats. But, during the years of bloody hostilities in the region<a href="#_ftn2_5253" name="_ftnref2_5253">[2]</a>, those arms and military equipment were used by Moslems against Moslems. </p> <p>Today a new kind of rivalry is shaping in the Middle East. This is mainly due to deep-rooted hostilities in the region and the increasing concern about the stockpiles of WMD in the Israeli arsenal. Adding Iran’s endeavor to acquire nuclear technology to this strategic equation, many of the Middle Eastern states are showing growing interests to acquire some kind of WMD. Considering the fact that acquisition of nuclear weapons is almost impossible under the present circumstances, interests for highly lethal but easier to acquire substances for use in chemical and biological weapons, are rising. Besides that, the Middle East continues to be on the top of the list for acquisition of conventional weapons and missile delivery systems.</p> <p>How far WMD proliferation and arms race in the Middle East are due to Iran’s endeavor to acquire nuclear technology and long-range missile capability? How much Israel’s quest for building a hegemonic power through the acquisition, construction and possession of unconventional weapons or long–range missiles is susceptible to prompt other oil rich states of the Persian Gulf and the larger Middle East to embark on an arms race in the region? What are the consequences of such competition and rivalry for the overall Middle East and the entire international community? </p> <p>The main arguments in this paper are:</p> <ul> <li>There is no consensus in threat perception in the Middle Eastern and thus each state has its own motives and incentives to go for WMD, </li> <li>It seems that Israel’s WMD capability is the main source of concern in the Middle East, </li> <li>Iran’s endeavor to acquire nuclear technology is only marginally affecting arms race in the region,</li> <li>Non-proliferation initiatives have proved ineffective in the Middle East,</li> <li>Great powers are themselves inducing competition and arms race in the Middle East region.</li> </ul> <p>A number of policy options are suggested at the end of this paper for further thoughts and consideration. </p> <p><strong>The Proliferation Security Initiative</strong></p> <p>The problem of WMD proliferation in the world in general and in the terror-ridden Middle East, has now become a major preoccupation of the international community. Ever since the September 11<sup>th</sup> unprecedented terrorist attacks on American targets in the heart of commercial and political centers of the United State in New York and Washington, the issue of terrorist using WMD has become a strategic obsession for security experts and policy makers. <a href="#_ftn3_5253" name="_ftnref3_5253">[3]</a></p> <p>In May 2003 a number of states, with the United States at the lead, launched what is known as “The Proliferation Security Initiative” (PSI) with the objective to prevent the spread of WMD through a combination of legal, political, and security means.<a href="#_ftn4_5253" name="_ftnref4_5253">[4]</a> The center of the attention in this<i> modus vivendi</i> is the interdiction and prevention of unconventional weapons, including biological, chemical and nuclear, from states and regimes which are known to have some kind of dubious links or sympathy with terrorist groups around the world. The implicit perception in this initiative is that with the emergence of fundamentalist movements, radically at odd with the prevailing norms and order, the world is becoming a too dangerous place and all peace loving nations are morally obligated to cooperate against the proliferation of these weapons. The initiative even went as far as to permit the use force in order to prevent or intercept any such weapons wherever they are smuggled, including the territorial waters, airspace and land territory of the PSI member states. <a href="#_ftn5_5253" name="_ftnref5_5253">[5]</a></p> <p>The Proliferation Security Initiative seems to be based on the assumption that the conventional regulatory instruments and regimes on non-proliferation of WMD, including the NPT and its additional protocols, have not been responsive to world expectation due to a number of limitations and bottlenecks. The most recent examples of such preoccupation may be related to attempts by Iraq, Libya, North Korea and Iran to acquire nuclear technology through third parties and international black market.<a href="#_ftn6_5253" name="_ftnref6_5253">[6]</a> In the domain of chemical and biological weapons the problem is much more subtle and confused. Because a vast number of substances used in these fields have dual utilization as pesticides in agricultural uses and bug killer at home. Therefore, it is very difficult to prohibit the export or imports of these agents merely on the assumption that they will be used for hostile purposes.</p> <p><strong>Causes and Incentives for WMD Proliferation</strong></p> <p>Experts in arms race and proliferation, particularly chemical and biological weapons in the Middle East, believe that one important cause of competition and rivalry in the region is Israel’s possession of a nuclear arsenal. Given that Israel has so far refused to acknowledge the fact, it is rather hard to pass a realistic judgment on the matter<a href="#_ftn7_5253" name="_ftnref7_5253">[7]</a>. Nevertheless, the strategic implications of such phenomenon are quite important. It is believed that the pursuit of chemical weapons development in the Middle East was originally prompted when it became known that Israel worked on nuclear weapons. Countries such as Syria and Egypt, with limited economic and technological capacity to counter Israeli threat, would eventually prefer to have a much cheaper and accessible deterrent capability, such as chemical weapons in their munitions stores. <a href="#_ftn8_5253" name="_ftnref8_5253">[8]</a></p> <p>It is not a secret that Middle Eastern states fear Israel’s military capability, and believe that it has not only nuclear but also chemical and biological weapons as well as very accurate delivery systems, which altogether constitute “the ultimate guarantor of its survival.<a href="#_ftn9_5253" name="_ftnref9_5253">[9]</a>” Of course, the prerequisite to have such deterrent capability is the vehicle or the long-range missile system capable to carry the WMD warhead to the opponents. In this respect, Israel has been very active since the 1960’s and it is believed that it has developed a range of missiles even more sophisticated than those in use in the West.<a href="#_ftn10_5253" name="_ftnref10_5253">[10]</a></p> <p>It is interesting to note that from a legal point of view, contrary to widespread publicity with respect to the overall WMD regime, Iran has acceded to the NPT in 1970 and <a href="#_ftn11_5253" name="_ftnref11_5253">[11]</a> has been periodically subjected to inspections by the IAEA. While Israel still refuses to sign this document. Israel has been more ambiguous than Iran in declaring its nuclear status and strategy. As regards the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) and the Biological and Toxin weapon Convention (BWC), while Iran has ratified both, <a href="#_ftn12_5253" name="_ftnref12_5253">[12]</a> Israel has only signed (but not yet ratified) the first but refuses to sign the second.<a href="#_ftn13_5253" name="_ftnref13_5253">[13]</a></p> <p>Syria and Egypt are two other important states of the region whose approach and status with respect to the WMD are worth to be considered. Syria has signed the NPT in 1968 and ratified it in 1969, but so far has refused to sign or ratify the CWC. Egypt acceded to the NPT in 1981 and has been implementing the comprehensive safeguards under the IAEA inspection regime since 1982. However, since the 1995 Review and Extension Conference, Egypt has been one of the NPT’s most vocal critics. Irritated by Israel’s ambiguous nuclear status, Egypt is frustrated by the international community’s inability to pressure or punish Israel for refusing to sign the NPT.<a href="#_ftn14_5253" name="_ftnref14_5253">[14]</a></p> <p><strong>Iran’s Ambiguous Nuclear Strategy</strong></p> <p>Despite the current belief that Iran is perceived as a potential threat to the region because of its nuclear ambitions and pursuit of long-range missile technology, concrete facts fall short of proving the truth of the contention. As a non-Arab state situated in a hostile environment with bitter memory of long hostilities with its neighbors and outside powers, Iran’s strategic preoccupation for the survival of the Islamic regime should not surprise anyone. Furthermore, there is no tangible indication that increasing incentive for WMD in the Middle East is to any extent related to Iran’s military posture in the region. With respect to the overall balance of power and defense expenditure in the Middle East, statistics bear witness that Iran has been lagging even much behind the smaller states of the Persian Gulf.<a href="#_ftn15_5253" name="_ftnref15_5253">[15]</a></p> <p>Far from trying to be apologetic of Islamic regime’s controversial behavior, we should realize that this country is totally encircled by nuclear powers; Pakistan and India in the East, Israel in the West, Russia in the North and Americans, including their allies, in the South. Iran is indeed in a very delicate geo-strategic position which should rationally dictate its strategic and security posture <i>vis-à-vis</i> its neighbors and foreign powers. This is to say that even if Iran had the slightest intention of acquiring nuclear capability in such a fragile strategic setting it would be a legitimate cause. As a member of the NPT, there is no explicit indication that Iran’s nuclear endeavor has any place in its overall military strategy, while controversial statements by high ranking political figures about Iran’s future plans have put the whole matter in the shadow of ambiguity and suspect. </p> <p>Furthermore, Iran’s intransigence to forego its pursuit of nuclear capability, claimed to be for peaceful purposes, along with other threatening declarations by the new-conservative hardliners, is becoming a source of anxiety in the Middle East and in particular for small, traditional and strategically vulnerable states in the Persian Gulf. Other states such as Israel and Turkey which are strategically tied through some sort of defense pact also are becoming more and more alert of the Iranian endeavor. Iran’s recent arms deals with Russia<a href="#_ftn16_5253" name="_ftnref16_5253">[16]</a> and some other countries<a href="#_ftn17_5253" name="_ftnref17_5253">[17]</a> have been received with concern in the region and elsewhere in the world. </p> <p>The suspicion that Iran might be developing nuclear capability under the guise of peaceful technology for the purpose of power generating plants, has created an atmosphere of distrust in the region on the real intention of Iranian policy makers and strategic planners. Since the time Iran’s nuclear undertakings have been revealed by opposition groups, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and a number of leading world powers which, not coincidently happen to have monopoly in nuclear capability, have pressured Iran, as a member of the NPT, to suspend all activities and give up a number privileges which according to the text of this treaty are legitimate rights of all member states. </p> <p>During the progressive administration, some negotiations have taken place between Iran and the European Union (EU3) and an accord was reached in which Iran agreed to suspend <i>voluntarily</i> and <i>temporarily</i> its nuclear activities for the purpose of confidence building. However, with the coming into power of the hardliners new-conservatives in Iran, the whole perspective suddenly changed and the previous negotiating team was accused of selling out the country in the negotiations and therefore a new strategy was adopted by the new president and his new appointees.</p> <p>Since I have examined elsewhere the development of the nuclear issue after the new government took charge and the position of the IAEA and other interested parties, there seems to be no need to repeat the matter here.<a href="#_ftn18_5253" name="_ftnref18_5253">[18]</a> What is important to remember is that the new hard line administration in Tehran seems to have opted for a strategy of challenge and confrontation instead compliance and confidence building. <a href="#_ftn19_5253" name="_ftnref19_5253">[19]</a> Obviously, this strategy would not help to alleviate the atmosphere of mistrust. It could even lead to the point of sparking further regional arms race, and pave the path for a concerted action against Iran in the U.N. Security Council in the weeks and months to come<a href="#_ftn20_5253" name="_ftnref20_5253">[20]</a>. </p> <p><strong>Policy Options for WMD Restrictions</strong> </p> <p>As said in the introduction of this paper, arms race and military rivalry are perennial issues in the Middle East. During the past three or four decades we have witnessed many wars and armed conflicts in this region. The existence of huge oil reserves and resources in the Middle East has contributed to its vital geo-strategic importance and thus its vulnerability. Religious, cultural and ethnic variances are also significant factors that exponentially augment the fragile strategic environment of the region. </p> <p>Given that various schemes have so far failed to bring about peace and quiet in this hostile strategic region, future policy options should be aimed at a more realistic and pragmatic direction; otherwise idealistic decisions, accords or security map may be unproductive and abortive. To this end the following suggestions are just outlined here for the purpose of further thoughts and assessment. Some of these options may nonetheless seem naïve and impracticable, but we should not leave them aside without attempting to approach their examination. <a href="#_ftn21_5253" name="_ftnref21_5253">[21]</a></p> <p>· Settlement of Palestinian conflict with Israel through bilateral and multi-lateral efforts,</p> <p>· Establishment of a WMD free zone in the greater Middle East and adjacent regions,</p> <p>· Prohibition of arms sales ( conventional major equipments and weapons of mass destruction and related materials) to all states of the region through existing or new international agreements,</p> <p>· Imposition of severe sanctions and enforcement measures against states, multinational corporations and companies that violate rules and regulations regarding WMD proliferations,</p> <p>· Promotion of democratic values compatible with indigenous norms, culture and beliefs,</p> <p>· Abstention to intervene in the internal affairs of states and gradual withdrawal of all foreign forces from the region,</p> <p>_________________</p> <hr align="left" width="33%" size="1" /> <p><a href="#_ftnref1_5253" name="_ftn1_5253">[1]</a> Ali-Asghar kazemi is Professor of Law and International Relations at IAU, Science and Research Branch, Tehran-Iran</p> <p>Tehran, Iran. See: <a href="http://www.akazemi.blogspot.com">www.akazemi.<u><font color="#993333">blogspot.</font></u>com</a></p> <p><a href="#_ftnref2_5253" name="_ftn2_5253">[2]</a> For example: Iran-Iraq war which lasted 8 years; Iraqi aggression against Kuwait and other hostilities and armed conflicts in the region.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref3_5253" name="_ftn3_5253">[3]</a> Containment or prevention of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) is not a new issue. However, the increasing prominence of international, organized terrorism and the use of WMD by international terror - have converted the perception of terrorism and use of WMD into a global strategic threat. The very fact of potential use of WMD by terrorists, as well as the increased need for development of military capabilities to defend against extreme nations’ anticipated capacity for employment of such systems (i.e., the evolving US global missile defense system), speak volumes of the limitations on effectiveness in countering proliferation over the past decade. A prominent example in this regard is the “Missile Technology Control Regime” (MTCR) instituted by the United States and its allies in 1987. The MTCR is an informal export control system aimed at preventing transfer of technology and equipment meant for development of delivery systems for WMD, yet it has had no more than partial success in stemming development of such programs by regimes regarded as dangerous. Another clear example of failed containment policies is the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), as starkly demonstrated recently in the case of Iran’s development of a nuclear weapons program despite its supposed adherence to the NPT rules. See: Craig D. Kugler , <i>The Proliferation Security Initiative: The Middle East Context <br /></i></p> <p><a href="#_ftnref4_5253" name="_ftn4_5253">[4]</a> PSI was initially launched in May 2003 by eleven nations: with the US initiative, together with Australia, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Spain, and the UK. Its goal is to prevent the spread of WMD,; “weapons of mass destruction” are regarded under PSI as comprising not only nuclear, chemical and biological weapons, but extending also to their delivery systems and related materials. The legal means sought by PSI center on enactment and implementation of laws by countries to prevent the use of their territories, vessels, and airspace for the transport and dissemination of WMD. The political means are aimed at enlisting the greatest possible support in the international community for PSI. The uniqueness of PSI is in its security means. See: : Craig D. Kugler , <i>The Proliferation Security Initiative: The Middle East Context</i></p> <p><a href="#_ftnref5_5253" name="_ftn5_5253">[5]</a> In September 2003, the PSI group issued its “Statement of Interdiction Principles”. The Statement revolves around the need for cooperation in interdicting WMD and determines, broadly, the manners in which interdiction will be accomplished. “Interdiction” means simply “interception”. The PSI countries have agreed to cooperate in the use of force so as to intercept the transfer of WMD, not only in their own territorial waters, airspace and landfalls, but also outside of them - that is, where they do not themselves exercise “sovereignty”. PSI seeks to implement a common legal framework that will support their efforts, and to institute interchange of information on suspected proliferation activity, all geared to the centerpiece of its activity: interdiction of WMD. See: <i>Ibid.</i></p> <p><a href="#_ftnref6_5253" name="_ftn6_5253">[6]</a> One important reason for U.S. military intervention in Iraq was indeed the dubious intelligence regarding Saddam Hussein’s procession of WMD, which finally proved to be incorrect. At the moment, Libya has given up altogether its nuclear ambitions and North Korea is in the negotiating process with the United States and other interested parties, including China, in order to terminate its military nuclear project. Iran is the last on the list who so far has not given up its nuclear activities. Western nations suspect that Iran is developing nuclear weapons under cover of a civilian program, although Iran categorically rejects the contention and insists it is intended only for peaceful electricity generation.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref7_5253" name="_ftn7_5253">[7]</a> According to numerous sources, Israel has made a strategic decision in the mid-1950s that, surrounded by hostile Arab countries; it needed a nuclear bomb as a deterrent. Now it is estimated to have 100 to 200 warheads. Intelligence sources say Israel also has chemical weapons, which arms control experts say provide Israel with a less drastic deterrent than a nuclear bomb. See Timothy M. Phelps and Knut Royce:<u> “</u>The Mideast Arms Race Sources: Arab nations spurred by Israel,” <a href="http://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/world/index.html">In-Depth Coverage </a>,<u> </u><i>Newsday (New York)</i> April 20, 2003 </p> <p><a href="#_ftnref8_5253" name="_ftn8_5253">[8]</a> Arms control experts say Syria, as well as Egypt, Iran and Iraq began to develop chemical weapons only after it they found out that Israel had developed a nuclear capability "the bomb." They believed that Israel would be deterred from using nuclear weapons on Cairo, Damascus or Baghdad if it knew they could respond with a chemical attack against Tel Aviv. Ibid. </p> <p><a href="#_ftnref9_5253" name="_ftn9_5253">[9]</a> According to an analyst, “The Israeli security strategy is to have a full spectrum of responses and to insure that Israel would always be able to provide a more devastating response than any potential adversary. Egypt and Syria are thought to have developed chemical weapons as a deterrent force against Israel. Despite intense U.S. pressure on these countries, they have abstained so far to sign an international treaty banning development or use of chemical weapons as long as Israel continues to refuse to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Cf. Ibid</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref10_5253" name="_ftn10_5253">[10]</a> Israel has been developing missiles since the 1960s. Its extensive and comprehensive missile capabilities include cruise and ballistic missiles, unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and the Arrow theater defense missile system. By 1973, it had successfully developed the first-generation ballistic missile with a 500 km range, the Jericho-1. Israel first launched the 1,500 to 3,500 km-range, intermediate-range, two-stage ballistic missile—the Jericho 2—in 1986. It is also rumored to have completed the 4,800 km-range Jericho-3 and its improved space launcher the Shavit-1. See: Gitty M. Amini, “Weapons of Mass Destruction in the Middle East,” Center for Nonproliferation Studies (CNS) Monterey Institute of International Studies February 2003</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref11_5253" name="_ftn11_5253">[11]</a> . It has apparently cooperated with the inspectors and the IAEA has not found evidence of Iran’s supposed violations of NPT restrictions. However, the IAEA and Iran have been in discussion since the latter half of 2002 and will continue to conduct talks in 2003 to address the IAEA’s request for an additional safeguards protocol given suspicions of Iran’s accelerated nuclear efforts. </p> <p><a href="#_ftnref12_5253" name="_ftn12_5253">[12]</a> Iran ratified the CWC in 1997 and the BWC in 1973.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref13_5253" name="_ftn13_5253">[13]</a> Israel signed the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) in 1993, but has yet to ratify it. Also Israel has signed the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and is considering ratification. Israel is not a member of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), but has pledged to follow its guidelines.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref14_5253" name="_ftn14_5253">[14]</a> Egypt refuses to sign or ratify the CWC but has acceded to the BWC in 1972. However, given the weak nature of the BWC’s enforcement mechanisms, its compliance with the terms of the BWC is not assured. All of the above information are taken from: Gitty M. Amini, “Weapons of Mass Destruction in the Middle East,” Center for Nonproliferation Studies (CNS) Monterey Institute of International Studies February 2003. </p> <p><a href="#_ftnref15_5253" name="_ftn15_5253">[15]</a> Iran is, in fact, lagging behind considerably, a fact well documented by the various authoritative studies on arms transfers, including the annual reports by the Congressional Research Service and various editions of World Military Expenditures and Arms Transfers. These studies show that, for example, the total arms acquisitions by the six countries of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) during the period 1987-1998 was in excess of 52 billion dollars, compared to 2.5 billion dollars for Iran. To give another example, during 1995-1998 period, whereas the Saudis purchased close to 8 billion dollars of arms, Iran’s figure stood at 1.4 billions. See: Kaveh L. Afrasiabi, “Iran’s Military Modernization and the Regional Arms Race.”</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref16_5253" name="_ftn16_5253">[16]</a> Just recently it was revealed that Iran has purchased a number of anti-missile systems from Russia. Specialists believe that these systems have been procured in order to counter eventual American or Israeli strikes against Iran’s nuclear sites.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref17_5253" name="_ftn17_5253">[17]</a> The sale of some 800 Hs50 sniper rifles by Austria to Iran last year has been objected by the United states and this country imposed sanction against nine companies from China, India, and Austria for supplying Iran with military equipment and technology. The sanctions ban these companies from doing business with US companies, base on the Iran Non-Proliferation act of 2000. These companies have been providing Iran with various equipment in the field of: chemical, missile and aviation technology The companies involved were: China National Aero-Technology import Export Corporation ( Catic), missile builder China North Industries Corp.( Norinco); the chemical equipment group Zibo Chemet Equipment Corp., Hongdu Aviation, Ounion International Economic and Technical Cooperative Ltd. Limmt Metallurgy and Minerals. Two Indian chemical groups were also among the companies subject to sactions: Sabero Organics and Sandhya Organics. . See:<b> Iran Daily</b>, December 29, 2005. p.1.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref18_5253" name="_ftn18_5253">[18]</a> See my papers: Ali-Asghar Kazemi, “Iran’s New President and the Nuclear Issue,” August 2005; “ Iran: The Price of going Nuclear,” October 2005; and “ Iran and the Nuclear Trap,” November 2005.” See also Ali-Asghar Kazemi, “Iran’s Quest for Regional Hegemony,” All of these papers are accessible from <a href="file:///A:\www.aakazemi.blogspot.com">www.aakazemi.blogspot.com</a></p> <p><a href="#_ftnref19_5253" name="_ftn19_5253">[19]</a> John Chapman, director of the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies, told a news conference it was unlikely that diplomatic pressure from the European Union would stop Iran developing its nuclear enrichment program. He further said if Iran ended up with a confirmed, deployed nuclear capability, Turkey, Egypt and Saudi Arabia would "reconsider their positions." In his view "It would be desirable for regional states, especially the [Persian]Gulf Arab states, also to express more openly their known concerns about how Iran's possible acquisition of a nuclear capacity would change strategic perceptions and the regional balance of power</p> <p>See “Iran’s Bomb could fuel Middle East arms race,” October 25, 2005, IISS( Reported by Reuters from London) .</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref20_5253" name="_ftn20_5253">[20]</a> White House spokesman recently said that the United States military action against Iran was not on the agenda but that President George W. Bush would not rule out any option while the international community pursued diplomatic means. It is worth to be noted that Russia and China oppose the referral of Iran to the Security Council saying that uranium conversion is a step short of the actual enrichment needed to produce weapons. See ibid.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref21_5253" name="_ftn21_5253">[</a><a href="#_ftnref21_5253" name="_ftn21_5253">21]</a> The following sources might help researchers for further studies: Lawrence Scheinman ,<i>Weapons of Mass Destruction in the Middle East Threaten the International Community; </i>Michael Donovan, <i><a href="http://www.cdi.org/terrorism/menukes.cfm">Iran, Israel, and Nuclear Weapons in the Middle East</a></i> (Center for Defense Information, February 2002); Anthony H. Cordesman, <i><a href="http://www.csis.org/burke/proliferation_axis.pdf">Proliferation in the “Axis of Evil”: North Korea, Iran, and Iraq</a></i> (Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic and International Studies, January 2002); Anthony Cordesman, <i>Weapons of Mass Destruction in the Middle East</i> (Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2001); Anthony M. Cordesman, <i><a href="http://www.csis.org/burke/mb/me_natldev_analytic.pdf">National Developments of Biological Weapons in the Middle East</a></i> (Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic and International Studies, July 2001); Shai Feldman, <i>Nuclear Weapons and Arms Control in the Middle East </i>(Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997); Khidr Abd Al-Abbas Hamzah, <i>Saddam’s Bombmaker: the Terrifying inside Story of the Iraqi Nuclear and Biological Weapons Agenda</i> (New York: Scribner, 2000); Mehmood-Ul-Hassan Khan, <i>Emerging Geo-Strategic Trends in Middle East and Its Implications for USA and rest of The World</i></p> <p>February 25, 2004; John Loftus and Mark Aarons,<b> </b><i>Another View Of Nuclear Israel And The Middle East Arms Race.</i> Also see the following Websites: </p> <p>-<a href="http://www.csis.org/press/pr02_32.htm">Center for Strategic and International Studies</a>; www.csis.org </p> <p>-<a href="http://www.isis-online.org/">Institute for Science and International Security</a>. www.isis-online.org</p> <p>-<a href="http://www.cns.miis.edu/research/mideast.htm">CNS, Middle East Resources</a>. www.cns.miis.edu/research/</p> Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-12063372699570754802013-11-02T05:22:00.001-07:002013-11-02T05:22:27.871-07:00Iran’s Quest for Nuclear Power<h1>Iran’s Quest for Nuclear Power</h1> <p><b>Facts, Allegations and Challenges</b></p> <p><b></b></p> <p><b><i>Ali-Asghar Kazemi<a href="#_ftn1_3230" name="_ftnref1_3230"><b>[1]</b></a></i></b></p> <p><b><i></i></b></p> <p><b><i>____________________________________</i></b></p> <p><b><i></i></b></p> <p><b>Keywords:</b> Iran’s geo-strategic position; nuclear proliferation; Additional Protocol to the NPT; Iran’s military build-up, new strategic environment; US strategy in the Middle East, The Persian Gulf.</p> <p><b><i>Abstract</i></b></p> <p>Because of its special geo-strategic position in the Middle East, Iran has always been keen to assume a pivotal role in the region. However, as opposed to the old regime, the Islamic government while pursuing the same vision is facing unbearable challenges in its ambitions. Iran’s nuclear undertaking, if ever directed toward unconventional aims and objectives, should be viewed from this perspective. The main argument of this paper is that Iran’s endeavor to buildup a credible force structure is mainly devised to ensure its very existence and to deter any potential contender to encroach against its territorial integrity and the survival of the revolutionary regime, and to prove the capacity of Islamic governance to run effectively the business of a nation-state. </p> <p><b><i>Prologue</i></b></p> <p>Ever since the revelation of Iran’s secret nuclear activities by opposition groups in 2003, this country has been the center of much attention and tension in the world. In an attempt to demonstrate the peaceful nature of the endeavor, the previous reformist government opted for a policy of cooperation and confidence building by initiating a number of actions in order to avoid crisis escalation. In the midst of the dialogue with the IAEA and West (EU), the new hard-line conservative government came into power and suddenly the whole scheme fell apart. Only six months after the coming into power of the new president, Iran’s nuclear case was referred to the U.N. Security Council.<a href="#_ftn2_3230" name="_ftnref2_3230">[2]</a> This means paving the way for a number of ominous events such as sanctions, military intervention and perhaps ultimately toppling a defying regime which has been listed on the “axis of evil” for quite sometimes. This whole trouble was prompted by a number of unwise statements made by the new inexperienced president, who out of naïve political beliefs or pure religious zeal, provided a fertile ground for the international community to reach a consensus against Iran’s danger for world peace and security.<b><i></i></b></p> <p>Thus, the IAEA Board of Governors adopted a resolution on February 4, 2006 to report the long awaited Iran’s nuclear activities to the U.N. Security Council.<a href="#_ftn3_3230" name="_ftnref3_3230">[3]</a> The resolution urged Iran to extend "indispensable and overdue" co-operation to the IAEA and help it "clarify possible activities which could have a military dimension". But it decided to put off any action until the report of the agency’s Director General is submitted at the next IAEA meeting on 6 March.<a href="#_ftn4_3230" name="_ftnref4_3230">[4]</a> The U. N. Security Council president issued a statement on March 29, 2006 giving Iran a 30 days deadline to halt all nuclear activities and report its past endeavor to the IAEA in a transparent manner.<a href="#_ftn5_3230" name="_ftnref5_3230">[5]</a></p> <p>Immediately after the adoption of the resolution, Iran announced that it would resume all voluntary suspended operations on uranium enrichment. Upon the resumption of the activities, on April 11, 2006 Iran’s president announced the full access to nuclear fuel enrichment. This happened at a critical time amid the nuclear crisis, while the world was counting down the time limit set by the U.N. Security Council to the Islamic government to halt all its nuclear activities. On that day, the controversial hard-line president solemnly revealed Iran’s enrichment capability on industrial scale and declared the date as a “national day of pride and prestige.” This rather bold and provocative attitude vis-à-vis the international community and the IAEA may leave the impression that the Islamic government is seeking to challenge the rule of the game in world politics.</p> <p>What are the real objectives of the Islamic regime in engaging in this rather confrontational and challenging strategy? How far Iran’s access to the nuclear technology is a credible threat to regional and international peace and order?</p> <p>The main argument of this paper is that Iran’s option of a strategy of hegemonistic power in the region aims at a dual purposes: a) to counter any eventual threat and challenge to the very existence and survival of the Islamic regime and, b) to show the efficiency and viability of the Islamic governance to respond to the needs of 21st century, as a successful model to be followed in the region.</p> <p><b><i>Old Nuclear Ambitions</i></b></p> <p><b><i></i></b></p> <p>The fact that the nuclear dream in Iran goes well back to the Shah regime is no secret to anybody. The Shah of Iran too had grandiose projects in his mind when he suggested that by the end of twentieth century his country would reach at the doorway of what he naively labeled “The Great Civilization.” Of course, he never meant to emerge as a nuclear power, since in those days, i.e. the cold war period, Iran like other countries outside the iron curtain and the sphere of communism, were supposed to be under the U.S. nuclear umbrella. The project had a dual objective; first and perhaps the foremost, it was considered as a “national prestige,” and second, it was conceived for peaceful use of nuclear technology in the Bushehr nuclear power plant, which was contracted to Germany, of course with the explicit consent of the United States and other interested states. In those days nobody objected to Shah’s nuclear ambition and no one questioned the economic or political rationale behind such project.</p> <p>The advent of the 1979 revolution in Iran quite naturally paved the way for a number of vital changes, not only in this country but also in the region and the wider world. Many projects and contracts, especially in the field of defense and infrastructure developments were initially canceled on various grounds. Bushehr nuclear plant was one of those, which along other defense contracts were annulled with huge losses due to legal proceedings and court orders on compensation of damages for breach of contracts. Soon after the Iran-Iraq war started, the needs for acquiring weapons and new defense technologies led Iranian decision-makers to revive some of the project initiated during the Shah. But, afterward the West was not quite ready to do business with a revolutionary religious state that contemplated to export its fundamentalist values and dared to hold American diplomats as hostages for 444 days, contrary to all international rules and standards. That was the beginning of a long confrontation between Iran and the United States. </p> <p><b><i>New Strategic Environment</i></b></p> <p>Iran’s geo-strategic position in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf region has always dictated its political and security posture <i>vis-à-vis</i> its neighbors and outside powers. Throughout the long history of this ancient country, from the Old Persian empires to the present time, Iran has always identified itself differently from other nations of the region, in spite of religious binds, which presumably should narrow the gap between the Persian and Arab civilizations. The geopolitical necessities have remained almost untouched and even more sagacious after the revolution and the Iraq-Iran war, which lasted near a decade. The end of cold war has strengthen Iran’s strategic position, and as a consequence, pushed the Islamic government in power to continue the same path and political vision and aspirations in the region as the old regime. </p> <p>A quarter of a century has elapsed since the Shah’s regime has been toppled through a series of unprecedented events, stemming from internal social unrests and, as some prefer to believe, external political games and conspiracy that led to the 1979 revolution. During the final years of the old regime, Iran was on the verge of becoming a virtual superpower of the region, thanks to the God-given oil revenues, Shah’s ambition for power, and of course, western technological and political support, without which it was impossible to think of such ostentatious venture. In those days, the Shah was given almost a <i>carte blanche </i>for all kinds of state of art weapon systems and major defense hardware to build-up a very sophisticated and efficient military power. Ships, aircrafts, tanks and other components of the latest production of the West, swiftly appeared in the inventory of the Iranian Navy, Army and the Air Force, backed by all-out logistical and training support, from all over the world.<a href="#_ftn6_3230" name="_ftnref6_3230">[6]</a></p> <p>Iran-Iraq armed hostilities left many thousands of casualties and extensive material and moral damages from both sides. But the war was a blessing for the fragile revolutionary regime to solidify itself by containing people’s demand for social and political development. Instead, the war induced earnest attempt to rely more than ever on indigenous initiatives and schemes to tackle with Iraq military threats. Since the Islamic regime had no other choice than to get on alternative ways during the war to procuring and producing the much needed weapon systems and equipments to sustain combat capability.</p> <p>Thus, in setting up its defense and security goals and interests, we witness that many of the old projects in various domains are being pursued even with more fervor than before. Once the Shah had the ambition to assume the role of <i>gendarme </i>in the Persian Gulf region; but he did not survive to achieve his dreams. Now, the Islamic Republic is putting its feet in the same shoes, of course with a big difference. That is, while the old regime had access almost to all and every kind of Western weapons and technology, the new revolutionary regime is banned from such sources and is compelled to rely on international black markets to procure what it believes necessary for building a credible power to be reckoned with. Iran’s nuclear ambition, that has created so much attention in the past months in the world, seems to fit this grandiose objective.</p> <p><b><i>Speculations on Iran’s Intentions</i></b></p> <p>Is Iran’s desire to acquire nuclear technology potentially harmful to world order and peace? It depends on whose lens we use to view the issue. The IAEA Board of Governor’s has not so far reached the conclusion that Iran has deviated from its legal obligations under the NPT. The decision to pass a resolution on 12 September 2003 for the implementation of the NPT Safeguards has been interpreted differently inside Iran from at the international level.<a href="#_ftn7_3230" name="_ftnref7_3230">[7]</a> Iran’s decision to start negotiations for the conclusion of the Additional Protocol, and the IAEA request that Iran should promptly and unconditionally sign and implement it while stopping all nuclear enrichment programs, was temporarily a modicum of relief to all those who had concerns with Iran’s undertaking. </p> <p>Controversies between Iranian authorities and the IAEA on the one hand and the rest of the world, especially the United States and the EU, on the true intention of Iran’s nuclear activities have been at its height during the past months. The IAEA resolution adopted after lengthily negotiation in mid June 2004, gave Iran one last chance to cooperate fully and in a transparent manner with this world body in charge of nuclear activities of member states.<a href="#_ftn8_3230" name="_ftnref8_3230">[8]</a></p> <p>Iran claims that it is merely using the basic and inalienable right of all NPT member states to develop atomic energy for peaceful purposes and is ready to assure the international community that it has no intention to produce nuclear weapons. Some critics would argue that the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons of 1 July 1968 is not really an endeavor designed to protect mankind from the danger of devastation and annihilation, but rather to preserve the monopoly status of a handful of powers in possession of such technology.</p> <p>Iran claims that its undertaking is legitimate and just. We know well that justice, equity, and fairness have never been highest aim of dealings between states, yet they have served as useful caveats in political discourse for the promotion of national interests. In fact, one of the causes of war and hostility is the frustration of the less fortunate over unsatisfactory conditions allegedly created by the powerful nations. To them, slogans such as rendering justice to the powerless, saving humanity from the plague of hunger and disease, securing the world from the threat of terrorism, nuclear proliferation, atomic bombs and so on are wonderful words that only tickle ears and minds. Indeed, international norms and principles are always coated with some kind of noble and human overtone that merely serves as ground to promote one’s own policy or interests.</p> <p>Some contend that the main objectives of owning nuclear weapons have always been their deterrent capabilities and use as leverage in political dealings. The argument against this is that nuclear capability in the hands of undemocratic and irresponsible regimes is too dangerous and should be contained at any cost. There seems to be a consensus on this latter point between the United States and many European powers. Realistically looking at the matter, even if we assume that Iran is trying to acquire a handful of nuclear weapons, it would have little operational or deterrent value. On the contrary, such an endeavor would increase Iran’s vulnerability vis-à-vis its potential adversaries.<a href="#_ftn9_3230" name="_ftnref9_3230">[9]</a></p> <p>Digging into the intention of political leaders is a difficult task. Iranian leaders are no exception to this. Therefore one has to make a number of assumptions at different levels of strategic planning and decision-making process.</p> <p>On doctrinal level, it is safe to suggest that Iran’s national interests, objectives and strategies are shaped by its regional political aspirations, threat perceptions, and the need to preserve the Islamic government.<a href="#_ftn10_3230" name="_ftnref10_3230">[10]</a> But, the problem is that most of the time the term “national interests” is not quite lucid and those who decide about them are not quite apt for such vital task. Thus, in seeking to explain the behavior of a State, such as Iran, in the international or regional scene, we have to read into the minds of men and individuals at the higher echelon of decision making apparatus. This indeed is not an easy job and requires some imagination and speculation.</p> <p>Assuming that men are rather deliberate and self-conscious about what they do, thus, they should know their own motives and give reasons for their behavior. But this doesn’t seem to be often true. Because, sometimes people do not want to confess their real motives, or at least not all of them, and so they may knowingly lie or distort or conceal the facts. Sometimes even, they may base their motives and behavior on false assumptions about themselves, their true aims and objectives, their threats, their capabilities and opportunities, or their political and strategic environment. This may prove to be very dangerous, not only for them but also for others who interact with them.</p> <p>One may argue safely that in present day Iran, we are facing with this latter kind of decision-making, that is, we are concerned with factors affecting choice other than the entirely conscious and rational criteria that usually come into play in the determination of “national interests.” Political or ideological expediencies sometimes overshadow factors related with optimum and rational choices. Perhaps, the reason behind the very risky and high political costs of Iran’s nuclear venture, may find its rationale in such argument which goes beyond the regular calculation of risk or cost-benefit analysis.</p> <p>With respect to the true intention and objective of Iran’s nuclear activities, the official answer is that this country it merely using its basic and inalienable right of all member States of the NPT to develop atomic energy for peaceful purpose. To this end, Iran claims that it is ready to ensure the international community that it have no intention to produce nuclear weapons. Furthermore, the upper echelon decision-making ladder in Iran has rightfully and in several occasions recognized that Iran does not consider nuclear weapon as a viable and rational useful strategy for defense purposes. </p> <p>The official reading of such statement is that nuclear option may render the country more vulnerable to risk outside threats.<a href="#_ftn11_3230" name="_ftnref11_3230">[11]</a> But, most critiques and specialists in the field believe that these claims are mere rhetoric that is neither supported by factual evidence, nor accepted by the IAEA and the international community as a whole. They refer to (February 2004) revelations about international nuclear black market and specific findings of the IAEA during one of its inspection in Iran.<a href="#_ftn12_3230" name="_ftnref12_3230">[12]</a></p> <p>How then shall we explain the present situation and the earnest attempt by Iran to pursue its long-standing nuclear policy? In fact, as we know, the project goes back to the 1980s, that is the period in which Iran was engaged in an all out war with its neighboring hostile State, Iraq. The optimistic view would go along with the argument advanced by Iran about its peaceful intention of developing nuclear technology. The pessimists however, have more ground to argue against the peaceful aims of such undertaking. They would eventually base their argument on the following facts and factors:</p> <p>1) Iran as an important and rich country in oil and gas, having extensive reserves of fossil fuel inland and offshore, does not need to embark on a more costly and risky nuclear project in order to produce energy,</p> <p>2) Enrichment facilities and related components that are being used or developed by Iranians, do not seem to be for support of civilian nuclear energy plants in Bushehr (considering the fact that the Russians are supposed to supply the necessary fuel for Bushehr plants and the Iranian party is obligated to return the depleted uranium that could be used in nuclear bomb),</p> <p>3) Iran may be enthusiastic in obtaining nuclear capability with the objective of deterring any potential aggressor that might threaten the very existence of the Islamic regime,</p> <p>4) Iran may contend that the West is using a double-standard policy with respect to the nuclear proliferation (Pakistan, India and Israel are the ones who have been left out of the black list),</p> <p>5) Iran might be tempted to acquire nuclear technology for the mere sake of national pride and prestige with a view to boost its regional position vis–a-vis its potential opponents and contenders, </p> <p>6) Being a nuclear power for a revolutionary Islamic State may be an indication of the regime efficiency and viability despite the mounting pressure from the world political environment,</p> <p>Pessimists have a tendency to believe that Iran is pursuing the North Korean tactics by lingering the legal process of ratifying the safeguard measures related to the NPT additional Protocol. In other words, Iran is trying to buy time for enrichment of enough uranium to build a number of nukes before it officially declares to withdraw from the NPT obligations. This will put the IAEA and the world as a whole before a <i>fait accompli</i>. For them, Iranian leaders would prefer running the risk of being target of an eventual preemptive strike than to give up the power altogether. Since, they believe they can capitalize on such event to consolidate the people while tightening the rope around the opposition neck.</p> <p>Optimists and pessimists would both admit that strategic thinking; rationality, national interests and optimum choice do not have the same meanings among the Iranian leaders and the Western political thought. This indeed makes a lot of difference when the two sides face each other in a peaceful dialogue or in a hostile confrontation.<a href="#_ftn13_3230" name="_ftnref13_3230">[13]</a></p> <p><b><i></i></b></p> <p><b><i>Problem of Confidence</i></b></p> <p>First of all we should recognize that the main challenge against Iran’s nuclear ambitions comes from the United States. Other Western powers are more influenced by the U.S. preoccupation than their own true perception of a possible nuclear threat. More than a quarter of a century has elapsed since Iran’s revolution driven out this country from the Western camp to what can be characterized as swinging between East and West, Islamism and nationalism, radicalism and leniency. While many European states did not mind to deal with the Islamic regime in time of peace and war, the United States has never digested the existence of a religious ideology to run the affairs of a strategically important oil-rich country in the 21<sup>st</sup> century Middle East. </p> <p>Several attempts to disperse the clouds of animosity and misperception between the two states, on various occasions and under different Iranian and U.S. presidents, proved to be ineffective and futile. The last of these was under the Iranian reformist President Khatami, whose “dialogue of civilization” brought him eye-to-eye with U.S. president Bill Clinton, during a United Nations General Assembly session in New York, without the expected melting ice result.<a href="#_ftn14_3230" name="_ftnref14_3230">[14]</a> In his earlier statement addressing to Americans in an interview with CNN, Khatami had alluded to the “tall walls of distrust” between the two states, which needed to be crossed in order to eliminate the seemingly inherent mutual hostility that created an atmosphere of doubt, suspicion and intolerance.</p> <p>Thus, it should not surprise anybody that the squabble over the nuclear issue is just a tiny portion of a wider and deeper range of problems overshadowing Iran-U.S. long-term relations. Whether we like it or not, the already gloomy situation between Iran and the United States, which for several years has been put in the shade by the unfortunate hostage taking affaire at the very beginning of the revolution in Iran, has jumped to its critical stage after the American military interventions in Iran’s two neighboring countries, Afghanistan and Iraq, following the September 11<sup>th</sup> events. In fact, the main source of Iranian leaders’ anxiety is seen as the U.S. threat to their very existence. </p> <p>As we said earlier, Iran, along with Iraq and North Korea, has been characterized as the “axis of evil” by U.S. president, essentially for their quest of becoming a nuclear actor in international scene. Iraq’s Baath regime and Saddam Hussein were overthrown essentially for possessing weapons of mass destruction (WMD), although such things were never found. North Korea is under severe international pressure to abandon its nuclear project. As to Iran, it was quite clear from the beginning that the United States would never allow a regime flagrantly hostile to Israel and challenging the established rules of the game in international political arena and power structure, to ascend to the rank of a nuclear actor. This hypothesis is especially true after the end of the cold war, the unfortunate events of September 11, and the emergence of terrorism as a non-state phenomenon, capable of using WMD and threatening peace and order of the whole world.</p> <p>Unfortunately, Iranian religious leaders have done nothing much substantive to alleviate the perplexity of this hostile environment in order to persuade the IAEA and the international community that they are not really in pursuit of acquiring nuclear weapons. Even some of them deliberately hinted others to believe that they indeed have the capacity, potential and technical know-how to build a deterrent nuclear capability. They even referred in several occasions to Israel as an illegitimate entity possessing hundreds of nuclear warheads, with the backing of the United States. <a href="#_ftn15_3230" name="_ftnref15_3230">[15]</a>Along the same line, they have raised serious doubts about the double-standards rules and regulations with respect to nuclear proliferation. Quite naturally, Israel, as the main target of these attacks, benefited most from antagonistic statements and did not hesitate to launch a widespread campaign against the Islamic regime, while getting prepared for tactical preemptive strikes on Iranian nuclear sites.<a href="#_ftn16_3230" name="_ftnref16_3230">[16]</a></p> <p>One further element of suspicion raised by the Americans on the question of Iran’s nuclear oriented secret plans, despite its obligation as a member of the NPT, is the fact that this country had never reported anything to the IAEA nuclear watchdog about its activities until Iranian dissidents revealed it the year before.<a href="#_ftn17_3230" name="_ftnref17_3230">[17]</a> It was only after such revelation that Iran acknowledged it has been developing for 18 years, a uranium centrifuge enrichment plan, and, for 12 years, a laser enrichment program.<a href="#_ftn18_3230" name="_ftnref18_3230">[18]</a> <a name="sb1"></a>Iranian officials argue in their defense, that they have in fact conducted some nuclear activities secretly because they were under economic embargo and subject to preemptive strikes from hostile countries like Israel and the United States. In response to the IAEA's intrusive queries over tiny quantities of suspect materials, they have consistently insisted that their activities are merely oriented toward self-sufficiency with the production of fuel for a 1000-megawatt power reactor being built with Russian assistance at Bushehr.<a href="#_ftn19_3230" name="_ftnref19_3230">[19]</a></p> <p>In another new development with respect to Iran’s secret dealings that relates to its nuclear ambitions, it was revealed (April 1,2005) by the pro-Western Ukrainian president (Victor Yushenko), that Iran had acquired ten long-range missiles (X55), with an effective range of about 3500 km, with the capacity of carrying nuclear warhead.<a href="#_ftn20_3230" name="_ftnref20_3230">[20]</a>Indeed, such revelations about the Islamic regime’s undertaking did not help the negotiations with EU3 in a positive way and further escalated the distrust about Iran’s credibility. </p> <p><i>Failed Nuclear Negotiations </i></p> <p>When Iran signed the Additional Protocol to the Treaty of Non Proliferation, with the official mitigation of three important EU foreign ministers (UK, France and Germany), nobody had a clear picture of the future development of the . At the time of the conclusion of the agreement with EU members, both sides appeared happy from the outcome and both claimed victory. Each side appraised its stance and in its mind, stuck firm to its position. </p> <p>Even then, Iran claimed that it would never forego its inalienable right to acquire nuclear technology for “peaceful purpose.” In the final Statement by the Iranian Government and visiting EU Foreign Ministers of 21 October 2003 in Tehran, to promote mutual confidence with a view to removing barriers for cooperation in the nuclear field, Iran agreed that “it has decided <i>voluntarily</i> to <i>suspend</i> all Uranium enrichment and processing activities as defined by the IAEA.”<a href="#_ftn21_3230" name="_ftnref21_3230">[21]</a></p> <p>Interestingly, the two key words that need a little explanation here are: First, the <i>voluntary </i>character of the agreement, that hints at rejection of any pressure or forceful demand from the other party to accede to an unfair commitment,</p> <p>Second<b>,</b> the <i>temporary</i> nature of the enrichment activities, which is reflected in the term “suspension.” This in a way epitomized the intention of Iranian authorities that they could at any time and under any pretext resume the suspended activities.<a href="#_ftn22_3230" name="_ftnref22_3230">[22]</a></p> <p>As we can see, the same two reservations in Iranian declaration were maintained throughout the negotiation process at different levels between Iran and the EU3. In fact, after several round of talks and diplomatic negotiations between the two sides since the conclusion of Tehran accord of October 2003, it has become more and clearer that there was little chance that they may reach a formula that could satisfy not only the two parties, but also the United States.</p> <p>While the negotiations were underway, the United States, which has backed the EU initiative for using diplomacy, ventured to offer some seemingly attractive economic incentives to Iran for its uranium enrichment suspension, But, soon Iranian leaders rejected the U.S. offers as not worthy of consideration. Iran claims that indefinite suspension is against the EU commitments. Commenting on U.S. proposal according to which, it would back Iran’s membership in WTO, provided it permanently ceases its enrichment activities, the offer was bluntly described as “ridiculous, irrelevant and contemptuous.”<a href="#_ftn23_3230" name="_ftnref23_3230">[23]</a></p> <p>The fact is that Iran has already invested huge amount of money in its nuclear activities during the past two decades and it appears hard to imagine that it could easily forego its supposedly legitimate claims and afford such huge loss to its national interests. The stalemate on nuclear talks reached to the point that the parties concerned decided to refer the case to the Security Council through an IAEA resolution.</p> <p><b><i></i></b></p> <p><b><i>The Nuclear Case in the Security Council </i></b></p> <p><b><i></i></b></p> <p>As we stated earlier, for a number of reasons, thus far Iranian leadership has been very uncompromising on the matter of “perpetual cessation” or “indefinite suspension” of uranium enrichment operations, and had said all along that it would only temporarily suspend this activity on a “voluntary basis,” as a measure of confidence building. Therefore, finally a consensus has been reached to bring the case to the UN Security Council. However, there are a number of obstacles, which could hinder serious actions against Iran.</p> <p>First and foremost of these impediments relates to legal matters regarding the submission of a case before the Security Council. As we know one of the functions of the Council is “to determine whether the continuance of a dispute or situation is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security.” Furthermore, for acting under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, in order to pass an effective resolution under articles 41(economic sanctions) or 42 (military intervention), the Council shall determine the existence of a threat to peace, breach of the peace or act of aggression. </p> <p>As we know, neither the IAEA nor any state have thus far reached the conclusions that Iran is in breach of its international obligations, either under UN Charter or the NPT and its related Protocols. Since, the mere evidence of uranium enrichment activity, which is allowed within the framework of NPT provisions to all member states, shall not be construed as a breach of the peace. The Security Council in its long history of functions has never based its decisions on hearsay, gossip or mere intentions in the minds of states members without concrete evidence.</p> <p>This may be one reason for which Iranians initially were not so much worried about their case being submitted to the Security Council. They were eventually seeking some kinds of assurance, either from a legal or procedural point of view or from the promised support of their Russia and China, as two important permanent members of this UN body, to block any eventual resolution.<a href="#_ftn24_3230" name="_ftnref24_3230">[24]</a></p> <p>On practical grounds, Iranian leaders do not seem to be troubled much about an eventual embargo or economic sanctions, though this surely will cause lots of difficulty and inconvenience to the overall nation. But, those who eventually wish that the people would revolt against the Islamic regime in case of an economic blockade should remember that ever since the revolution, this country has been subject to all kinds of sanctions both during the war and after, and no such thing has ever happened. On the contrary, Iranians have shown that they have a tendency to consolidate during the hard times.</p> <p>Other implications of a resolution against Iran, relate to an eventual unilateral decision of this country to withdraw from the NPT altogether, which is the right of every member state in conformity with the provisions of the treaty. In such circumstances the IAEA would be devoid of legal standing to continue its supervision on Iran’s nuclear activities.</p> <p>Bearing in mind that the most vital objective for the Islamic regime in Iran is its very survival, and to that end it seems ready to sacrifice many things, it would not be an unrealistic postulation that in case of its withdrawal from the NPT, the regime might have a free hand to contemplate developing its own deterrent nuclear force, somehow similar to South Korea. In such circumstances the West, including the United States and all those who fear Iran’s nuclear activities, would be in a much worsen situation. </p> <p>Of course, we are just speculating on various aspects of the nuclear case as it may emerge in future. We have no solid indication which of the above scenarios may come true. But, from the face value of Iran’s rather bold undertakings, it is safe to suggest that the Islamic regime is actually using all the leverages at hand, economic, political and even military<a href="#_ftn25_3230" name="_ftnref25_3230">[25]</a>, to come clean out of this muddle. </p> <p>Iran has already made very important economic and trade deals with China and Russia, as two important permanent member of the UN Security Council. It may even try to lure Europeans in giving out concessions on oil and other business of mutual interests, which could deflect American pressure. On the other hand, Europeans well know that any attempt to pass a UN Security Council resolution under chapter VII of the UN Charter, with the effect of preventing Iran’s oil export, would have a disastrous impact upon the market price, already unbearable by them. Thus, they might not be ready to go along with eventual economic sanctions against Iran.</p> <p><b><i>Mixed Signals to the West</i></b></p> <p><b><i></i></b></p> <p>During the 30 days deadline given to Iran to comply with the demand of the United Nations Security Council to halt its nuclear activities, the Islamic regime has been sending mixed signals to the international community. On the one hand Iranians took a conciliatory and cooperative stance urging the Western powers to continue their negotiating efforts within the IAEA for the benefit of world peace and order, and on the other hand they embarked on a bold and confrontational venture in the Persian Gulf.</p> <p>Surprisingly, in the midst of the crisis they agreed to open direct talks with the United States on the problem of security and order in Iraq. Americans however said that this is not really a negotiating process but some kind of warning to Iran about the continued violence in Iraq and the necessity that the neighboring state should abstain from meddling in its internal affairs. The Islamic regime wished that once ices of animosity are melted they can benefit the opportunity of the new environment to de-escalate the crisis condition. This could in turn help to redirect the nuclear case from the Security Council to the IAEA Governing Council for further negotiations. </p> <p>At the same time a major naval exercise was carried out in the Persian Gulf, including the Straits of Hormuz and the Sea of Oman, where an assortment of new weapons were brought into play. Among these, a new version of ballistic missiles (Shehab III) with multiple warhead or MIRV (Multiple Independently targeted Reentry Vehicle) capability and a very high speed torpedo, both of which claimed to have radar and sonar concealment ability. A number of other new weapons and platforms of rather offensive character were also demonstrated in the week-long maneuver.</p> <p>The rationale behind all these efforts including the April 2006 Iranian joint forces maneuver in the Persian Gulf seems to be found in a strategy called “asymmetric warfare” carried by the Revolutionary Guards with the objective to deter the Americans from risking any adventurous plan to ultimately topple the Islamic regime as they did in neighboring Afghanistan and Iraq. At the same time Iran is taking up other long-term strategy in the region which relates to confidence building and gradual rapprochement with the Persian Gulf littoral states pursing the following objectives:</p> <p>· Inhibiting more and more the U.S. presence in the region of the Persian Gulf; </p> <p>· Making the future American interventions in the region much more difficult and costly;</p> <p>· Building an anti-American shield against the United States policy of “forceful democratization” in the region;</p> <p>· Narrowing down the gap between the Iranian regime and the conservative Arab States;</p> <p>· Encouraging the Persian Gulf States toward Asian markets and other world great powers, such as Russia, China, India and Japan, while limiting economic interaction with the U.S.;</p> <p>· Making the strategic environment much more difficult for the United States force deployment in crisis situations.</p> <p>All these would suggest that it would indeed be hard for the United States to bear the consequences of a serious entanglement with Iran in the near future, unless the American policy with respect to Iran and the Persian Gulf changes its contents and context. That is to say, the American objectives and therefore ways and means to reach them should be adapted to the new emerging environment. The new environment is not necessarily in favor of the American military presence in the region. It is not however quite certain that Iran’s hostile signals during the April 2006 exercise would deter in any way the neo-conservative hawks in Washington who are leaning toward the use of hard power to achieve their objectives. </p> <p>Whether the Islamic regime will surrender to the demand of the U.N. Security Council in order to avoid further escalation of the nuclear issue, is a matter of threat perception of the Iranian decision makers and their capacity to manage the crisis. Indeed, if they realize that the risks of defying the U. N. demands are much too high and beyond their endurance, they will surely come to their sense and do whatever necessary to avoid the worst to happen.</p> <p><b><i></i></b></p> <p><b><i>Defiance through Prudence </i></b></p> <p><b><i></i></b></p> <p>Iran’s declaration of full cycle nuclear enrichment by the hard-line president on April 11, 2006 was a deliberate maneuver for the purpose of achieving a number of objectives at this point of time: a) domestic consumption for those who are becoming increasingly frustrated about the president’s fulfillment of his promises to cope with poverty, corruption, inflations and other social evils; b) to encourage the IAEA Director General (expected to visit Iran on April 12) to write down his report on Iran’s case to the Security Council in a manner to avoid eventual sanctions under Chapter VII (Article 41) of the U.N. Charter; c) to send a somber message to the U.N. Security Council and its permanent members that henceforth they are facing a<i> fait accompli</i> and<i> </i>should be careful in dealing with nuclear Iran.</p> <p>Not surprisingly, upon the announcement of this declaration, all permanent members of the Security Council took position on the action and warned Iran about the negative consequences of the deed. Hours after the declaration, oil price in international market and the price of gold and dollar in domestic transactions jumped to a new record high. </p> <p>In the US camp too, the neo-conservative hawks seem to be determined to contain Iran’s nuclear ambitions, which they believed to be a serious threat to world order. In fact, the recent provocative declaration on the full enrichment cycle is susceptible to unleash a clash between the two conservative camps. Furthermore, Iran’s defiance of the Security Council Statement and the claimed breach of Paris Accord with EU3 as well as the Additional Protocol to the NPT, could pave the way for Americans to convince Russia and China that a political settlement is not possible and they should reach a consensus on a severe resolution under Chapter VII of the Charter.</p> <p>Perhaps now the United States has more persuasive evidence and justification to push members of the Security Council to undertake serious actions against Iran. Americans have warned that if they fail to get a strong resolution they might endeavor to form a separate coalition to face Iran’s threats. Thus, it seems that if the two conservative opponents are not contained through some kind of mediation or direct negotiation, the situation could escalate and lead to disaster. </p> <p>Whether Iran’s nuclear euphoria has any rational justification other than stirring up irritation around the world and whether recent bold and provocative actions could deter the West or it may end up to disaster, we have no other choice than to wait and see how competent politicians will wisely manage the impending crisis.</p> <p>Thus, the perception of the potential dangers of a resolution by the UN Security Council imposing sanctions against Iran pushed the government to move away from the rhetoric and opt for a more cautious, compromising and cooperative stance.<a href="#_ftn26_3230" name="_ftnref26_3230">[26]</a> The reasons for this decision may be explained in the following considerations:<b></b></p> <p>· The political system is not ready to engage in adventurous and risky situations in which the overall existence of the Islamic regime might be threatened,</p> <p>· The new conservative government lacks the necessary experience and capacity to deal with the much uncertain and hazardous issue of nuclear matter,</p> <p>· Those in charge of the nuclear project have not been able to convince the public at large and educated people on the rationale of the nuclear project, even for peaceful purposes,</p> <p>· The nation as a whole is not prepared to engage in another hostility and military engagement, or to endure severe economic sanctions, eventually imposed by the UN Security Council, particularly because of a dubious matter which is not really considered as a vital national issue,<a href="#_ftn27_3230" name="_ftnref27_3230">[27]</a></p> <p>· The Islamic regime is quite conscious of the resolve of the West, especially the United States, that they will not allow it to continue the nuclear project in a self-sustained and independent manner. </p> <p>· This may mean that even if they fail to obtain some sort of UN Security Council resolution on the matter, because of Russian or Chinese vetoes , the Americans or their allies in the region, will not hesitate to use military option as a preventive self-defense, by direct strategic targeting on Iran’s nuclear sites,</p> <p>· In such case, there seem to be little chances that the international community as a whole and even the presumed friends of Iran may object or take any action against or condemn such eventual attack.</p> <p>Indeed, prudence is the mother of wisdom and good governance and politics is about changing foes into friends and assuring one’s interests and survival.</p> <p><b><i></i></b></p> <p><b><i>New Challenges Ahead</i></b></p> <p>I have argued elsewhere in several occasions that the Islamic regime in Iran, despite its ideological and revolutionary nature, has a very low propensity to conflict and confrontation. It is now in a state that any uncalculated risk in its various domestic and international undertakings, including the nuclear project, might cost it a price unbearable by any common sense standard. Iranian leaders are quite aware of the potential threats to their very survival. They have the experience of what happened in Afghanistan and Iraq. They may not afford to challenge the supposedly unfair rule of the game in the present world order, unless they convince the people of Iran to sacrifice once again themselves for an unknown utopia. This means that despite the sporadic bullying actions by the regime, the overall system in Iran will do every thing in its power to avoid escalation of the nuclear crisis <a href="#_ftn28_3230" name="_ftnref28_3230">[28]</a>and other pending issues.</p> <p>Whether we like it or not, the world power structure is extremely unequal and the rule of the game unjust and unfair. Though mankind was able to change the total insecurity of “the state of nature” into “state of civility” through “social contract” and by law and order at the national level and civic institutions, at the international level this ideal is still far- reaching. This means that power is still the undisputed instrument of world politics and as one has correctly said: “right is might.” In other words, if you don’t have the power you can’t claim your rights.</p> <p>In sum, the situation between Iran and the Western powers especially the United States can be termed as trapped in a “crisis of credibility,” whose management requires an ardent endeavor of confidence building for which the two sides seem not prepared. Bringing the case to the Security Council with a view to get some kind of resolution on eventual sanctions against Iran may simply be counterproductive; because: first, it lacks serious legal basis, and second, it might fail on practical grounds. Therefore we should expect heightening of tensions in relations between the states concerned, unless perhaps some fundamental changes take place in either side. These changes may include a breakthrough in Iran-U.S. mutual perceptions, gradually leading to amicable settlement of all outstanding disputes, including the nuclear affairs. </p> <p>Upon such rapprochement, the Islamic regime may soften its position on various matters that inhibit the resolution of a number of issues in the Middle East, and which are considered as pivot points for the success of American strategy in this region, such as: the Palestinian problem, the recognition of Israeli state, the disarmament of Lebanese Hezbollah, and other matters related to international terrorism, democratization process of the Greater Middle East, etc. The whole process depends on whether the United States is prepared to give some kind of assurance to Tehran that it would not endanger the survival of the Islamic regime in Iran, and whether Iran’s superior position in the Middle East is recognized by Western powers./</p> <p>______________________</p> <hr align="left" width="33%" size="1" /> <p><a href="#_ftnref1_3230" name="_ftn1_3230">[1]</a> Professor of Law and International Relations, IAU, Science & Research Branch, Tehran, Iran. <a href="http://www.akazemi.blogspot.com">www.akazemi.blogspot.com</a></p> <p><a href="#_ftnref2_3230" name="_ftn2_3230">[2]</a> Due to the dynamic nature of the subject and the fact that Iran’s nuclear case is currently undergoing changes daily and even by hours, the author has decided to follow the issue only up to mid April 2006. This date falls short of the deadline given by the U.N. Security Council to Iran to halt all its nuclear activities, i.e. the end of April. Indeed the development of the case after this date will be very decisive; since with the intransigence of Iranian leaders to continue their enrichment process, it is probable that the Council goes for sanctions under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref3_3230" name="_ftn3_3230">[3]</a> The vote had been expected on Friday February 3, 2006, but was delayed by an attempt by NAM (developing countries of the Non-Aligned Movement) to soften the resolution, which was rejected by EU3 (Germany, France and the UK,) who had drafted it. Egypt made a proposal to include a reference to making the Middle East a nuclear weapon free zone. This was rejected by the US, which saw it as an attack on Israel's nuclear arsenal. But it was finally accepted the clause after it received overwhelming backing from European allies. BBC NEWS World Middle East Iran reported to Security Council.htm</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref4_3230" name="_ftn4_3230">[4]</a> Russia and China agreed to support the resolution on condition it did not contain any immediate threat of sanctions against Iran. Only Venezuela, Cuba and Syria voted against it. India voted in favor of the motion in spite of the government coming under intense domestic pressure to stand by Iran. US ambassador to the IAEA Gregory Schulte said the vote sent a "very powerful signal" and the ball was now in Iran's court. He further said. "Iran, rather than threatening the world, should listen to the world and take steps to regain its confidence."</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref5_3230" name="_ftn5_3230">[5]</a> The Statement contains inter-alia the following points:</p> <p>-“The Security Council notes with serious concern Iran’s decision to resume enrichment-related activities, including research and development, and to suspend cooperation with the IAEA under the Additional Protocol.</p> <p>-“The Security Council calls upon Iran to take the steps required by the IAEA Board of Governors, notably in the first operative paragraph of its resolution GOV/2006/14, which are essential to build confidence in the exclusively peaceful purpose of its nuclear programme and to resolve outstanding questions, and underlines, in this regard, the particular importance of re-establishing full and sustained suspension of all enrichment-related and reprocessing activities, including research and development, to be verified by the IAEA.</p> <p>“The Security Council requests in 30 days a report from the Director General of the IAEA on the process of Iranian compliance with the steps required by the IAEA Board, to the IAEA Board of Governors and in parallel to the Security Council for its consideration.”</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref6_3230" name="_ftn6_3230">[6]</a> See for example, Amy Truesdell, “Iran plans Gulf trip, projecting a Powerful Military Force.” In this paper it is suggested that “ The Iranian government's key objective in building up its armed forces is the same now as it was before the revolution in 1979: to secure regional military superiority.” A:\Global Defence Review Iran plans Gulf trip.htm</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref7_3230" name="_ftn7_3230">[7]</a> The IAEA stated that Iran had not lived up to its reporting obligations under the terms of its Safeguard Agreement. Iran’s IAEA Safeguard Agreement requires the country to provide the agency with information “concerning nuclear material subject to safeguards under the Agreement and the features of facilities relevant to safeguarding such material.” Technically, Iran is still in compliance with its Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) obligations, but as the IAEA stated, “it is the number of failures of Iran to report the material facilities and activities in question” that is “a matter of concern.” Going back over a ten-year period, Iran has followed a pattern of obfuscation that raises well-founded international suspicions about Iran’s nuclear program.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref8_3230" name="_ftn8_3230">[8]</a> It is worthwhile to note that the new resolution has been prepared and sponsored by three leading EU powers; France, Germany and the United Kingdom, who initiated an accord with Iran last year on the issue of nuclear project. For detail see my paper: “Iran Nuclear Venture, Legal Obligation and Political Temptation.” May 2004, Presented to <i>the Regional Security Conference</i>, UCLA Burkle Center for International Relations, www. MENL.org.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref9_3230" name="_ftn9_3230">[9]</a> This fact has been even recognized by two important personalities directly responsible for Iran’s national defense and security. The leader of Iran, Ayatollah Khamenei, once said to his followers that the Islamic Republic’s strength does not lie in obtaining or the domestic manufacture of an atomic bomb, but it is “the power of the faith that can deter our enemy” (<i>Washington Post</i>, 17 November 1992). More recently, Iran’s Defense minister, Vice Admiral Ali Shamkhani, recognized in a February 2002 statement: “ The existence of nuclear weapons will turn us into a threat to others that could be exploited in a dangerous way to harm our relations with the countries of the region.” See the <i>Guardian</i>, 6 Feb. 2002. See also George Perkovich, “Dealing With Iran’s Nuclear Challenge,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 28 April 2003. </p> <p><a href="#_ftnref10_3230" name="_ftn10_3230">[10]</a> According to the analysis presented in the <b><i>Global Security</i></b>, “Tehran strives to be a leader in the Islamic world and seeks to be the dominant power in the Persian Gulf. The latter goal brings it into conflict with the United States. Tehran would like to diminish Washington’s political and military influence in the region. Within the framework of its national goals, Iran continues to give high priority to expanding its NBC weapons and missile programs.” See: <a href="http://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/world/iran/doctrine.htm">http://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/world/iran/doctrine.htm</a> - Last updated, December 13,2002</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref11_3230" name="_ftn11_3230">[11]</a> Cf. my paper presented December 2003 to the <b>Regional Security Conference </b>in Athens- Greece, on </p> <p>“The Shifting U.S. Threat Perception after September 11 and Fear of Iran’s Nuclear Threat.”</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref12_3230" name="_ftn12_3230">[12]</a> See my paper of last May 2004, presented to the Regional Security Conference in Amman-Jordan.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref13_3230" name="_ftn13_3230">[13]</a> Mr. Hassan Rohani, secretary of Iran’s National Security Council, who was in charge of nuclear issue negotiation with the three EU foreign ministers last year, in an interview with the media, after the adoption of the new resolution in June 2004 by the IAEA, said that Iran will revise its position with respect to the uranium enrichment, which it had voluntarily suspended upon the signing of the accord with the EU states (France, Germany and UK). He argued that since these latter countries have not lived up to their commitment, Iran sees itself relief of the obligation created by the agreement.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref14_3230" name="_ftn14_3230">[14]</a> An earlier attempt by the late president Reagan, better known as “ Iran-Contra” affaire, ended up with a scandal in American foreign policy and was a complete failure to establish normal relations with Iran.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref15_3230" name="_ftn15_3230">[15]</a> One such declaration came at an unusual circumstance in a "sermon" delivered at Tehran University on 14 December 2002, by the former Iranian president Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani who said, "If one day...the world of Islam is mutually equipped with the kind of weapons which Israel presently possesses, the world's arrogant [colonialist] strategy will then come to a dead end, because the use of an atomic bomb on Israel won't leave anything; however, in the world of Islam [use of a bomb] will just cause harm, and this scenario is not far-fetched."</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref16_3230" name="_ftn16_3230">[16]</a> It was reported by international media that Israel is ready to use F-15 Jets using bunker-busting bombs to penetrate Iran’s nuclear facilities and plants (Natanz) supposed to be underground. Apparently the Israeli forces have been simulating attacks on a mock-up of Iran’s Natanz uranium enrichment plants in the last few months. </p> <p><a href="#_ftnref17_3230" name="_ftn17_3230">[17]</a> <strong>The IAEA key findings</strong><b> </b>about Iran are in reports released in March 2004 and November 2003. In November, the IAEA concluded that Iran's nuclear program consists of practically everything needed to fuel a reactor or in effect to produce materials for bombs, "including uranium mining and milling, conversion, enrichment, fuel fabrication, and heavy water production." See <a name="top"></a><b>Iran's Nuclear Program Reaches Critical Juncture,</b> <i>IEEE Spectrum online</i>, June, 2004</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref18_3230" name="_ftn18_3230">[18]</a> Ibid. The director general told the IAEA board, summarizing the agency's findings, "It is clear that Iran has failed in a number of instances over an extended period of time to meet its obligations [under the NPT]."<b></b></p> <p><b></b></p> <p><a href="#_ftnref19_3230" name="_ftn19_3230"><b><b>[19]</b></b></a><strong> The critical elements </strong>of Iran's nuclear program include not just the enrichment plants at Natanz but also plans to start building a 30—40–MW natural-uranium-fueled, heavy-water research reactor, with all associated equipment. According to experts, the reactor could potentially produce weapons-grade plutonium, although Iranian officials insist it will be used only to produce isotopes for medical and industrial purposes. Cf. Ibid.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref20_3230" name="_ftn20_3230">[20]</a> The matter was widely publicized by the mass media immediately after the announcement of the news by Ukrainian officials on April 1, 2005. At the same time it was announced that President Yushenko would soon meet with U.S. President George Bush in Washington. </p> <p><a href="#_ftnref21_3230" name="_ftn21_3230"></a><u></u></p> <p>[21] - Emphasis is mine. </p> <p><a href="#_ftnref22_3230" name="_ftn22_3230">[22]</a>- In fact, the same day after the Statement was officially issued, Mr. Hassan Rohani, head of Iranian negotiators, asserted that Iran might resume its activities at any time, which seems suited to its national interests. He even emphasized that: within a week, a month or a year we may choose to exercise our rights to terminate the suspension. See my paper, <b><i>Iran’s Nuclear Venture: Legal Obligation and Political Temptation,</i></b> May 2004<b><i></i></b></p> <p><a href="#_ftnref23_3230" name="_ftn23_3230">[23]</a> Statement to Iranian media. by Iranian Minister of Intelligence Ali Younesi, March 2005.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref24_3230" name="_ftn24_3230">[24]</a> The recent deal on liquefied gas with China, which amounts to an overall value of $100 billion, is one such undertaking which would tie Iran’s political fate to China’s growing needs for energy over the next 25 years. Russians on the other hand, are very happy about the current nuclear plant in Bushehr and the prospective other nuclear plant deals with Iran and seem not to be ready to forego this lucrative business just for the sake of giving a hand to American plan to contain Iran’s ambition to use nuclear technology, which in their view, is not harmful.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref25_3230" name="_ftn25_3230">[25]</a> During the negotiation of Iranian and EU diplomats on nuclear issue, Iran’s conservative media have expounded various statements from high-ranking officials, including the leader and other military authorities warning against any pressure or blackmail unto Iran. At the same time it was announced by Iran’s Defense Minister that Iran is now in the process of mass production of its long-range missiles (Shahab 3). The commander of the Iranian ground forces also announced that the biggest military exercise in Iran’s history would soon be carried in Iran’s western frontiers bordering Iraq.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref26_3230" name="_ftn26_3230">[26]</a> In an earlier paper I had argued that the overall propensity of the high official’s decision makers to conflict and confrontation is very low, especially when it comes to the matter of survival of the Islamic regime. See e.g. : <b><i>Iran</i></b><b><i>’s New President and the Nuclear Issue, </i></b>August 2005, </p> <p><a href="file:///D:\Main%20Document\user\Desktop\Iran's%20new%20president%20and%20the%20Nuclear%20Issue.doc">www. aakazemi.blogspot.com</a></p> <p><a href="#_ftnref27_3230" name="_ftn27_3230"></a></p> <p>[27] It is necessary to note that despite some sporadic state-organized rallies in support of the nuclear project, there no scientific findings as to the overall public opinion with respect to that matter in Iran.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref28_3230" name="_ftn28_3230">[28]</a> See: Ali-Asghar Kazemi, “<b><i>Iran-U.S. Nuclear Wrangle: The Crisis of Credibility</i></b>” and “<b><i>Iran’s New President and the Nuclear Issue</i></b>” in <a href="file:///D:\Main%20Document\user\Desktop\%20www.aakazemi.blogspot.com">www.aakazemi.blogspot.com</a> See also: Ali-Asghar Kazemi, “<b><i>Heading for a Clash! Iran-U.S. New Conservatives’ Lineup over the Nuclear Issue</i></b>” <a href="http://www.akazemi.homestead.com/Documents.html">http://www.akazemi.homestead.com/Documents.html</a></p> Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-40806297607074081432013-06-30T10:02:00.001-07:002013-06-30T10:02:11.711-07:00Obstacles on the Way of Iran New President<!--[if !mso]>
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</span></b><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 18.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Obstacles
on the Way of Iran New President</span></b><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></b></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ali
Asghar Kazemi</span></b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">June 30, 2013</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">_________________________<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Iran
president-elect Rohani </span></b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">is gradually becoming more and more explicit on various
positions he took during the presidential campaign. In his last speech on June
29 he alluded to almost all critical issues facing the nation and gave a clear-cut
picture on his approach to tackling with them. Albeit he was silent on one
important point, that is the “revolutionary nature” of the Islamic regime and
implications of that characteristic. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">When
a revolutionary regime suddenly pledges to become moderate, rationale, tolerant
and open, this means that it is no longer a revolution but a civil society with
law-abiding</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">citizens.
In other words, it is not possible to be both at the same time which would be
paradoxical. A simple explanation for this paradox is that the Islamic
revolutionary regime is merely showing a tactical shift that is transitional
and temporary. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Four
years ago amidst 2009 tumultuous presidential elections in Iran, I wrote an
article in which I tried to spell-out fundamental obstacles on the way of the
new president, who was optimistically assumed to be a reformist. This however did
not happen but the substance of that article is still relevant in the present
circumstances. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The main argument of the
comment at that time was that as long as the Islamic leaders in Iran persist on
the “revolutionary nature” of the regime, this country may not be able to
peacefully integrate in the international community and legitimately benefit from
its advantages while submitting to its obligations.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The
present commentary shall paraphrase<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>some principle points of the previous article
for those students and readers who had not a chance to read that in 2009.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Among
commentators and political analysts inside Iran and on international scene</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">, many</span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
express the opinion that Mr. Hassan Rohani will have hard time ahead in
assuming responsibility as an efficient president to tackle with horrendous
problems on his way. But, none of them, to my knowledge, follow the fundamental
line of argument exposed here. To most of them, factors such as economic
sanctions, political pressure, galloping inflation, recession, unemployment, mismanagement,
intransigence, corruption and the likes are responsible for failure of past
presidents leading to further isolation of Iran. While there is no doubt about
the impact of these important stumbling factors, the argument here is that all
those issues are inevitable byproducts of a more primordial cause which is the
“revolutionary nature” of the Islamic regimes. Here are some explanations about
this unconstructive trait of the ruling system in Iran. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">More than three decades after the
ascendance into power of a clergy rule in Iran, the Islamic leaders still insist
on the revolutionary character of their institutions. While each revolution has
generally a limited lifespan beginning with extreme radicalism to authoritarian
rule; Thermidorian period and finally demand for moderation and reconstruction.
The Islamic revolution however claims to be “perpetual” until the reappearance
of the hidden Shiite Imam. This latter aspect has indeed a tremendous impact on
the world view of the rulers and the approach they follow to achieve their
goals on the national and international scene.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Despite widespread publicity about the
miraculous achievement of the outgoing hard-line president, it seems rather
obvious that Iran’s overall international standing has terribly diminished
during the arch-conservative rule. With respect to domestic affaires the
situation is much worse. An economy in shamble, a galloping inflation, and a
general discontent of the accomplishment of Mr. Ahmadinejad who’s various
promises simply did not materialize. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Now, almost eight years after the
conservative grip to power, with a nation at the brink of social and economic
crises, the reformists are embarking for a new comeback under the patronage of
Hassan Rohani who is neither a reformist nor a hard-line conservative but
supposedly somewhere in between. His election was backed by former president
Khatami and the powerful Rafsanjani. He was clever enough to choose platform
that people expected to hear. Slogans such as moderation, rationality,
transparency and constructive interaction with the world for the sake of saving
the country from total collapse, war and insolvency, indeed pleased majority of
people voting for him.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">What are the chances of the
president-elect and his reformist comrades to succeed in their promises?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Will he be able to restore the lost public confidence
and to respond to the widespread expectations of the people suffered from
economic hardship and political restraints? What are the prospects for normalizing
relations with the world in general and the United States in particular?</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">As was stated in the commentary in
2009, in order to evaluate the performance of a high position office-holder
such as the president in Iran, one must consider the facts against the
religious-revolutionary natures of the Islamic regime and its worldwide
objectives reflected in its constitutional provisions and ideological
aspirations. In present Iran, no one individual can trespass the red lines
predetermined either by Shari’a, as interpreted by the appropriate body
instituted for that purpose, or by the “supreme leader of the revolution”. Even
the leader who has the final say in matters of “high politics” such as the
nuclear issue or other “strategic decisions” is bound to follow those revolutionary
demands. Of course, he has the prerogative to assess the situation and decide
according to his evaluation of a particular issue. This is to say that the
chief executive and other legislative and judiciary bodies are subordinate to
the “supreme leader.” This means that nothing substantive can take place in the
country by “general will” of the people without the consent of the leader.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">With that assumption in mind, one of
the major impediments of the Islamic regime overall conduct in running the
business of the state seems to be the continuing persistence on its
revolutionary slogans. In fact, this feature has created a strong barrier
before Iran’s national objectives and aspirations in setting clear criteria for
determining for example friends and foes in national and international scene. Perhaps
many unfortunate events and vicissitudes during the lifespan of the Islamic
regime so far are geared to this very important dimension of the revolutionary
Iran.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Nevertheless, when states choose to
engage in interactions with their peers, they must have a lucid definition of
their ends and means, a realistic assessment of their partners and above all a
faithful commitment to certain primordial standards (rules of the game) in
international relations. Indeed revolutions have their own peculiarities and
manners and do not necessarily follow conventional norms and expected behavior.
They usually have a tendency to challenge the <i>status quo</i> and even alter
those rules. Thus, many states prefer not to be in love with revolutionary
regimes which by nature have a propensity to be repelling rather than
receptive.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The problem of not being able to
distinguish between its ideological concerns and vital national interests has impeded
the revolutionary Iran in identifying <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>friends and foes and this has almost paralyzed
Iran’s diplomacy especially during recent nuclear crisis. While international
pressure was gradually increasing in order to push it to stop all nuclear
activities, Iran was helplessly looking for friends here and there in order to
get some support for its intransigent position. To this end, a number of
lucrative deals were offered to some potential partners,</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/null" name="_ftnref1_3329"></a><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-edit.g?blogID=20968014&postID=3437971216310034158#_ftn1_3329"><span style="mso-bookmark: _ftnref1_3329;"><span style="color: blue; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[1]</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _ftnref1_3329;"></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _ftnref1_3329;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> but, at the critical moment when Iran
needed their help, they turned to its opponents in the UN Security Council.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Iranian leaders should not be surprised
by this unfortunate experience. Indeed, this is the golden rule of the game in
international relations; states only have permanent interests and no permanent
friends or enemies. Yet, an intelligent and rational foreign policy should put
the right emphasis at any particular moment on the means and leverages it has
on its potential friends in order to neutralize or bypass the negative impacts
of its presumed foes’ actions and decisions. When a state puts all of its eggs
in one basket, it may soon end up with unpredictable situations in which it
should sacrifice all at once. No diplomacy that would stake everything on mere
rhetoric and intimidation or concessions deserves to be called intelligent.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">While the radical and conservative
hardliners in Iran persist on a return to revolutionary slogans of the regime
and do everything to show this feature, the international community seems quite
alarmed with the development. Thus, most states are reluctant to engage in deep
interaction with a nation defying the prevailing norms. This is not to suggest
that those norms and rules of the game are necessarily ethical, just or fair.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Recent American offer by President Barrack
Obama to open direct talks with Iran may simply be regarded as a calculated
move in order to disarm the conservative groups from their revolutionary
slogans and push Iran to the corner to comply with accepted norms in
international relations. While Obama is pursuing his strategy through soft
power and diplomacy</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/null" name="_ftnref2_3329"></a><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-edit.g?blogID=20968014&postID=3437971216310034158#_ftn2_3329"><span style="mso-bookmark: _ftnref2_3329;"><span style="color: blue; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[2]</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _ftnref2_3329;"></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _ftnref2_3329;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">, the neo-conservative war-mongers <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"></span>pursue the same objectives by threatening Iran
by hard power. However, for the Islamic leaders, compromising on principles
means giving bitter unnecessary concessions which would devoid the Islamic
regime from its fundamental <i>revolutionary </i>and ideological drives and
values.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">While <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the new-elected president<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>has good<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>chances to open dialogue with the
West, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>it is faire to suggest that he
alike other<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>personalities <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>in that capacity <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>is <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>not powerful
enough to make substantive changes in the structure or religious-revolutionary
nature of the Islamic regime. They may be all pursuing the same goals with
different styles. They can merely act within a limited boundary determined to
them either by law or by the authority of the leader. The difference is purely
that of approach reflecting individual character, social background and
philosophical outlook. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In the typology of political leaders,
as classified by Harold Lasswell, Ahmadinejad represented the “agitator” type
with extreme intransigence who sacrificed immediate gains for abstract
principles and always sought to instigate the emotional response of the public.
While Khatami was a “negotiator” with more concerned on acceptable solution to
a conflict than a just or perfect resolution. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Now, the new president- elect Rohani pretends
to be open-minded, moderate and rational. This means that he does not mind to enter
into dialogue and compromise with his opponents for the sake of improving national
interests and eliminating the clouds of animosity over the sky of the nation.
Nonetheless, solutions to important issues such as: relations with the United
States, the nuclear project, the Middle East problems and the likes are only
dependent variables geared to the “revolutionary nature” of the Islamic regime
in Iran. / </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">____________
</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></b><a href="http://www.blogger.com/www.aakazemi.blogspot.com"><span style="color: blue; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div>
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<a href="http://www.blogger.com/null" name="_ftn1_3329"></a><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-edit.g?blogID=20968014&postID=3437971216310034158#_ftnref1_3329"><span style="mso-bookmark: _ftn1_3329;"><span style="color: blue; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[1]</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _ftn1_3329;"></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _ftn1_3329;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The deal on liquefied gas with China,
which amounts to an overall value of $100 billion, is one such undertaking
which would tie Iran’s political fate to China’s growing needs for energy over
the next 25 years. Russians on the other hand, are very happy about the current
nuclear plant in Bushehr and the prospective other nuclear plant deals with
Iran and seemed not to be ready to forego this lucrative business just for the
sake of giving a hand to American plan to contain Iran’s ambition to use
nuclear technology, which in their view, is not harmful. But, as we have seen,
both of them voted against Iran at the IAEA. India was also supposed to support
Iran for promoting its interests in the prospective gas line project, but this
did not happen either.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div>
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<a href="http://www.blogger.com/null" name="_ftn2_3329"></a><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-edit.g?blogID=20968014&postID=3437971216310034158#_ftnref2_3329"><span style="mso-bookmark: _ftn2_3329;"><span style="color: blue; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[2]</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _ftn2_3329;"></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _ftn2_3329;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">See: Ali Asghar Kazemi, “US Democrats
are Pushing Iran to the Corner”: </span><a href="http://stradis.blogspot.com/2009/02/us-democrats-are-pushing-iran-to-corner.html"><b><i><span style="color: blue; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Strategic
Discourse</span></i></b></a><b><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></i></b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">February 3, 2009.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
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<![endif]-->* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran.
Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-67597529237526746232013-06-23T00:41:00.001-07:002013-06-24T03:42:01.581-07:00 Iran: Hope for Moderation and Rationality !<br />
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<b><span style="font-family: "Book Antiqua","serif"; font-size: 18.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi;">Iran: Hope for Moderation and Rationality !</span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b><span style="font-family: "Book Antiqua","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi;">Ali Asghar Kazemi</span></b></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Book Antiqua","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi;">23 June 2013</span></b></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Book Antiqua","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi;">_______________________<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Book Antiqua","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-themecolor: text1;">New
presidential elections in Iran and </span></b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Book Antiqua","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-themecolor: text1;">the victory of
a soft, talented and self-claimed moderate clergy, backed by majority of<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>frustrated and progressive minded people
has created some hope for change in Iran engulfed in economic crisis and
political decadence. Though it is too early to pass judgment on the competence
and ability of the new elected president for making substantive changes in Iran,
one must be cautious about his capacity to tackle with tremendous barriers on
his way. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Since, claiming moderation,
rationality, confidence building and good management are not enough to alter
the course of a thorn-down society. During the past eight years, Iranians of
all walks of life have seriously suffered due to actions and reactions of an eccentric
man who was neither fit for the office of the president nor even capable to run
the business of a grocery store. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Book Antiqua","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">We should remember that
the emergence of an odd personality such as Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in Iran’s
political landscape paved the way for rising demand for truthfulness, honesty
and accountability. As I stated <a href="http://www.stradis.blogspot.com/">elsewhere</a>,
Ahmadinejad was the product of a period of eight years of controversies between
two conflicting views: that expressed by a moderate soft-spoken clergy, Mr.
Khatami, who was considered as “reformist” by Western political standards; and
the opposite represented by the conservative religious-revolutionary groups,
who pretended to be the legitimate guardian of the Islamic regime.</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Book Antiqua","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-themecolor: text1;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Book Antiqua","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">As we may recall, Ahmadinejad came into power after a
period of crises-ridden challenge for moderation and proliferation of civil
liberty in which people tasted for a short while <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the flavor of freedom and began a gradual
march towards a modern civil society in Iran. This however, did not please the
conservative traditional layers of the country and the religious system,
feeling much vulnerable, was alarmed to the point that the previous open-minded
president, Khatami, was coined as the “Gorbachev of Iran” jeopardizing the very
survival of the regime.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Book Antiqua","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><br />
During his two terms in office, president Khatami failed to accomplish his
promised goals due to obstacles on his way created by his opponents in the
legislative body and judiciary. Feeling deceived, young and enthusiastic people
who had voted for Khatami turned back to him and thus reformist movement and
supporters gradually disintegrated and vanished from political scene, leaving
the ground to hard-line conservatives with new attra</span><span style="font-family: "Book Antiqua","serif";">ctive promises.</span><span style="font-family: "Book Antiqua","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "Book Antiqua","serif";">Now, once
again a self-claimed moderate and rational man appeared on the horizon of Iran’s
political scene with a host of promises, while the structure of the system has
remained rigidly intact. Thus, chances for president -elect Rouhani to succeed
in his promises and respond to the rising expectations of people are subject to
serious doubts.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "Book Antiqua","serif";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We should wait and see how things will develop
in the weeks and months to come!</span><br />
<br />
<br /></div>
* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran.
Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-16562986860314263432013-05-28T09:58:00.000-07:002014-07-18T05:16:21.575-07:00Album : Old pictures of Ali Asghar Kazemi <br />
<div style="text-align: center;">
<b>Album : Old pictures of Ali Asghar Kazemi </b> </div>
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqjbP7exMKYpjjXbyoQ-fSCfXXx55xgVJpg_ZX-SZTxJa8fZfIjbqkTkqRC4fjiuLvcC-2NJDvJtJTDKaLUiJS3yXHNmRijTvRB6uEiq9MwWNmSwNGiVEZBMXD00cULIF3nUbVQw/s1600/France-Toulon.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqjbP7exMKYpjjXbyoQ-fSCfXXx55xgVJpg_ZX-SZTxJa8fZfIjbqkTkqRC4fjiuLvcC-2NJDvJtJTDKaLUiJS3yXHNmRijTvRB6uEiq9MwWNmSwNGiVEZBMXD00cULIF3nUbVQw/s1600/France-Toulon.jpg" height="200" width="133" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Ali Asghar Kazemi </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiQgWBoetAkW-SBwYv92maE6y3o09srCEOai8jUMrXH1n5p_dZ-BUrsQfJaUTkGrHKqqYvjSu0XwxAqCOw1ZFmsfTymPt26r-FXxEpykIMPvdiwz9hK1NwqwM2Tg20Sl9tsWWQhJA/s1600/Civ.Young.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiQgWBoetAkW-SBwYv92maE6y3o09srCEOai8jUMrXH1n5p_dZ-BUrsQfJaUTkGrHKqqYvjSu0XwxAqCOw1ZFmsfTymPt26r-FXxEpykIMPvdiwz9hK1NwqwM2Tg20Sl9tsWWQhJA/s1600/Civ.Young.jpg" height="200" width="144" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Ali Asghar Kazemi </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjQ7bOo1Stzal1zLNwSdPL4YC5KdnF3fVaMx0F29Ytg-t_Gdh71C_BV6071JefOIvVqhyqSwvUk_cShqLbSGLn695pCiEQEVFJqTRHJ60klCxxOtwCmMApzP0oD95R1rQIQHK-iqg/s1600/Mar24_19.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjQ7bOo1Stzal1zLNwSdPL4YC5KdnF3fVaMx0F29Ytg-t_Gdh71C_BV6071JefOIvVqhyqSwvUk_cShqLbSGLn695pCiEQEVFJqTRHJ60klCxxOtwCmMApzP0oD95R1rQIQHK-iqg/s1600/Mar24_19.jpg" height="200" width="133" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Ali Asghar Kazemi </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Ali Asghar Kazemi's Son Kamyar MD Ophthalmologist</td></tr>
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-27773499199257601832011-07-06T01:02:00.000-07:002011-07-06T01:02:01.554-07:00A Time for Philosophical Reflection...<br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;">Reflection on Time, Space and Being in a New Context</span></b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Ali Asghar Kazemi*</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">June, 2011</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">Tehran </span></b></div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><a href="http://www.aakazemi.blogspot.com/"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"></span></i></a><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></b> <br />
<div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> ____________ </span></b></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> </span></b></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> </span></b></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> Contents </span></b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"></span></span></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Forewords </span></b></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">A Time for Reflection </span></b></div><div style="line-height: 115%; tab-stops: 186.7pt; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Basic Concepts </span></b></div><div style="line-height: 115%; margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">1.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></i><span dir="LTR"></span><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">The Notion of Time</span></i></div><div style="line-height: 115%; margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">2.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></i><span dir="LTR"></span><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">The Realm of Space</span></i></div><div style="line-height: 115%; margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">3.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></i><span dir="LTR"></span><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">The Nature of Being</span></i></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Changes in the Context</span></b></div><div style="line-height: 115%; margin-left: 39.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">1.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></i><span dir="LTR"></span><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Being and Virtual Reality</span></i></div><div style="line-height: 115%; margin-left: 39.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">2.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></i><span dir="LTR"></span><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Rise of Universal Man</span></i></div><div style="line-height: 115%; margin-left: 39.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">3.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></i><span dir="LTR"></span><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Lost in Cyber- Space </span></i></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Final Remarks</span></b></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Bibliography</span></b></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Further Readings</span></b></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><br />
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</div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Forewords</span></b></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">The extraordinary marvel of the new information technology has provided opportunity for all to plunge into the sea of knowledge for doing rigorous research or simply satisfying one’s intellectual curiosity in a particular field. This revolution has indeed changed all dimensions of our life and has given us the capacity and chance to tackle with all matters and questions of our interest.</span></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">With a bit of skill in computer and internet, it is now possible to have access to an immense amount of information concerning every conceivable fields of knowledge in the world. The problem for students in doing researches now is no longer the accessibility to the sources and literature but the selection of proper data and materials to verify or validate a proposition or hypothesis. This is indeed a real revolution that only past academic generations can fully appreciate.</span></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">This essay is the product of a simple curiosity and conjecture about man’s fate on earth in the light of extraordinary changes in knowledge and information technology. The emphasis here is on three important concepts of time, space and being facing such drastic unexpected transformation. I hope this will encourage other interested students of social sciences to ponder upon similar topics.</span></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">A Time for Reflection</span></b></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">While not very many people are interested in theoretical matters, there are some important issues in our daily life that have ontological character that require philosophical reflection.</span></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">For example, few ideas have penetrated the human consciousness as profoundly as that of <i>time, space</i> and <i>being</i>. The idea of time and space has occupied human thought for thousands of years. These things at first sight seem simple and easy to grasp, because they are close to everyday experience. Everything exists in time and space, so they appear as familiar conceptions. However, what is familiar is not necessarily understood. On closer examination, time and space are not so easily grasped. <a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">By the same token, being and existence, in the words of Heidegger is not definable by a "what", like a simple thing, but by a "who" that is shaped by existence in time. Thus, human being is to exist with a certain past, a personal and cultural history, and by an open series of possibilities that one can seize hold of or not.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">There is no doubt that the revolutionary change in technology has also affected the notions of time and space and consequently the reality of human being. Today we talk about “real time,” “cyber space,<a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></span></span></a>” and “virtual reality.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[4]</span></span></span></a>” This means that we live in a world quite different from what our ancestors used to experience. How much are we aware of our existence in today’s life? How far are we limited in time and space in the fulfillment of our ideals? What is the present condition of human beings in closed societies? </span></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> In this essay we intend to reflect on the old notions of time, space and being in the light of new development in knowledge, with a view to comprehend man’s present condition and to find out whether he is better off or worse in life. <i><b><a href="https://sites.google.com/site/strategicdiscoursesite/refection-on-time-space-and-being">Read full text in pdf</a></b></i></span></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><br />
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;"><div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 115%;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> See: <i>Relativity Theory</i>, http://www.marxist.com/science-old/relativitytheory.html</span></div></div><div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;"><div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> </span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">In what, then, does the being of being human consist? Heidegger's answer is existence (<i>Existenz</i>). Therefore, the question of being is to be accessed by way of what Heidegger calls "an existential analytic". But what sort of thing is human existence? It is obviously defined by time: we are creatures with a past, who move through a present and who have available to them a series of possibilities, what Heidegger calls "ways to be". For Heidegger, there are two dominant modes of being human: authenticity and inauthenticity. </span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> See <i>Infra.</i></span></div><div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><br />
</div></div><div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;"><div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> In current usage the term "cyberspace" stands for the global network of interdependent information technology infrastructures, telecommunications networks and computer processing systems. As a social experience, individuals can interact, exchange ideas, share information, provide social support, conduct business, direct actions, create artistic media, play games, engage in political discussion, and so on, using this global network. The term has become a conventional means to describe anything associated with the Internet and the diverse Internet culture. <i>Wikipedia</i></span></div></div><div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;"><div class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[4]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> <b>Virtual reality</b> (<b>VR</b>) is a term that applies to computer-simulated environments that can simulate physical presence in places in the real world, as well as in imaginary worlds.</span></div></div></div><br />
* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-53035693142312841512011-06-26T04:47:00.000-07:002011-06-26T04:47:40.496-07:00Dans l'ombre d'un Système Incohérent<br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 18.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Dans l'ombre d'un Système Incohérent</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ali Asghar Kazemi</span></b><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Juin 2011</span></b><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><b><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">__________________</span></b><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><b><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 5pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Un système est un ensemble d'éléments interdépendants et en interaction ou composants formant un ensemble intégré.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ces éléments s'influencent sans cesse d'une manière directe ou indirecte en vue de maintenir leur activité, de stabilité et de survie (l'existence), dans le but d'atteindre les objectifs projetés du système.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div><div> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Afin de rester stable, un système doit consommer une certaine quantité d'énergie qui est appelée entropie du système.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Entropie est associée à la quantité de l'ordre, le désordre et / ou le chaos dans un système.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>L'efficacité d'un système concerne le ratio de son entrée à la <b>sortie.</b></span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><b><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Lorsque ce ratio est trop faible ou négative, le système est dit pour être auto-destructeur.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 5pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Les systèmes peuvent être «ouvert» avec une interaction permanente avec leur environnement, ou "fermé", sans ces relations.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Les systèmes fermés ont une tendance à l'auto-détériorent parce qu'ils n'ont aucun moyen de recevoir des feedbacks de l'environnement afin de corriger leur trajectoire, la structure ou le comportement.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 5pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Les systèmes politiques ont les mêmes caractéristiques et suivre le même ensemble de lois et de modèle de comportement.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Systèmes isolés ne peuvent reproduire leurs valeurs et leurs principes et dans le long terme ont tendance à aller dans la solitude de l'environnement international principal.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Les coûts d'un tel isolement sont généralement trop élevés pour le permettre.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">De nombreux pays dans le passé ont volontairement passé par cette expérience et ont finalement décidé d'entrer dans le courant de l'interaction globale.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Cas de la Chine et le Japon dans les siècles passés sont de bons exemples.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 5pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Dans le cas de l'Iran, l'isolement a été imposé sur le régime islamique en raison de sa conduite défiant à l'égard de grandes puissances sur de nombreuses questions, y compris le projet nucléaire.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">En effet, le système politique régissant l'Iran ne fait pas exception à la règle générale que dans l'isolement à long terme sera la cause de graves dommages à la nation dans son ensemble.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Le problème est où le blâme doit être mis dans cette situation aggravante?</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 5pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Un système politique partiellement fermé avec une structure rigide idéologiques dans la phobie constante d'être menacée par l'environnement, l’Iran a <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>consomme’ toutes les énergies morales et matérielles pour faire face à ses présumés ennemis internes et externes au cours des trois dernières décennies.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 5pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Depuis le premier président élu de la République islamique, Bani Sadr, à la présente Ahmadinejad en place, presque tous les titulaires d'une charge importante en Iran</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">ont été d'une manière ou d'une autre accusés de s'écarter du chemin de l'Islam et l'Imam, durant ou après avoir quitté le bureau.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">La liste est trop longue, mais deux importantes figures Moussavi (ancien Premier Ministre) et Karroubi, ancien président du Parlement, sont maintenant parmi les groupes d'opposition en résidence surveillée.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Les anciens présidents Rafsandjani et Khatami sont également dans la même liste noire et sont harcelés ici et là de leurs opinions et positions politiques.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">A l'heure actuelle de nombreux anciens hauts responsables, professeurs, avocats et journalistes sont en prison pour diverses raisons.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">On est vraiment déconcerté pourquoi tant de personnalités importantes, dans la norme du régime islamique, ont tourné le dos au régime?</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Yat-il quelque chose de mal avec la «structure» du système, ou le problème se situe sur l'attitude et la performance des "agents" politiques? En termes politiques, la <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>question peut se limiter à une <i>"agence-structure"</i> dilemme.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Le débat concernant la primauté de la structure ou l'agence en ce qui concerne le comportement humain est une question centrale ontologique dans la sociologie, science politique, et les autres sciences sociales.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Dans ce contexte, «l'agence» se réfère à la capacité des individus à agir de façon indépendante et de faire leurs propres choix libre. </span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span></span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""></a><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR;">[1]</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> «Structure», par contraste, se réfère à des dispositions récurrentes motifs qui semblent influencer ou de limiter les choix et les opportunités que les individus possèdent. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span></span></a><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR;">[2]</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Le débat structure-agence peut donc être compris simplement comme la question de la démocratisation versus dictature et de la socialisation contre l'autonomie. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span></span></a><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR;">[3]</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Dans le cas de l'Iran actuel, il semble que la structure et l'agence sont en interaction permanente afin de limiter l'influence et l'impact de l'autre.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">C'est, de la structure, sous rigoureux et rigides principes idéologiques, inhibe la sphère des choix et des actions de l'agence et, réciproquement, l'organisme doit mettre en action toute sa puissance et sa capacité à échapper à des obstacles structurels.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ce processus ne laisse en effet pas plus de force pour l'agent d'exercer ses devoirs et obligations vis-à-vis du peuple et la nation dans son ensemble.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">En d'autres termes, l'entropie du système est tellement élevée qu'il devrait consommer tous ses efforts pour simplement survivre dans une situation fragile et dans un environnement hostile.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ce raisonnement méthodologique peut être vérifié dans les affaires quotidiennes des organismes gouvernementaux à divers niveaux et prouvé dans leurs décisions et leurs actions dans les affaires nationales et internationales.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 5pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Le régime islamique a passé beaucoup de soudoyer les grandes puissances comme la Russie et la Chine pour attirer leur soutien sur la question nucléaire.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Mais, jusqu'à présent cet effort n'a pas produit de résultats satisfaisants.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">En effet, le soutien politique des entités comme la Syrie, le Hamas et le Hezbollah au Moyen-Orient, et un certain nombre d’États sud-américains </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">sur la liste </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">de solde iranienne ne peut produire aucun résultat substantiel dans une communauté internationale quasi hostile composé de plus de 200 États souverains.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 5pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Dans les affaires intérieures, de nombreux projets lucratifs dans off-shore du pétrole et du gaz, des routes et la construction des barrages, les télécommunications, l'industrie lourde ont été remis aux officiers de haut rang</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">de<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>gardiens de la révolution en vue d'acquérir leur soutien.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Toutefois, il n'est pas sûr que ce soit en temps de crise et d'urgence, ils répondent à l'attente de ceux qui comptent sur </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Cambria Math","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Cambria Math"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">leur soutien.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Le système politique en Iran souffre d'un malaise structurel qui inhibe ses agents de décisions rationnelles -et pas forcément idéologiques- et agir en conséquence.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Il est donc en désaccord constant avec ses éléments et les composants qui rendent le système vulnérable à l'environnement politique hostile dans les affaires intérieures et étrangères.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">En raison de ce manque de</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">la cohérence, le système a de consommer toute son énergie et la capacité réelle à faire face aux problèmes ainsi créés sur son chemin.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ce processus pousse inévitablement le système vers une impasse autodestructrice qui pourrait compromettre sa survie et la stabilité.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ce sujet doit être élaboré dans les commentaires à venir.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">/</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br clear="all" style="mso-special-character: line-break;" /> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><br clear="all" /> <hr size="1" style="margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px;" width="33%" /> <div id="ftn1"> <div class="MsoNormal"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span></span></a><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">[1]</span></span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-ansi-language: FR;"> Barker, Chris.</span><span lang="FR" style="mso-ansi-language: FR;"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-ansi-language: FR;"><span>2005.</span></span><span lang="FR" style="mso-ansi-language: FR;"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-ansi-language: FR;"><span>Cultural Studies: théorie et pratique.</span></span><span lang="FR" style="mso-ansi-language: FR;"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-ansi-language: FR;"><span>Londres: Sage.</span></span><span lang="FR" style="mso-ansi-language: FR;"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-ansi-language: FR;"><span>P448</span></span><span lang="FR" style="mso-ansi-language: FR;"> </span></div></div><div id="ftn2"> <div class="MsoNormal"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span></span></a><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">[2]</span></span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-ansi-language: FR;"> Ibid</span><span lang="FR" style="mso-ansi-language: FR;"> </span></div></div><div id="ftn3"> <div class="MsoNormal"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span></span></a><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">[3]</span></span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-ansi-language: FR;"> la sociologie contemporaine a généralement pour but vers une réconciliation de la structure et l'agence en tant que concepts.</span><span lang="FR" style="mso-ansi-language: FR;"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-ansi-language: FR;"><span>Anthony Giddens a développé «théorie de la structuration» dans des œuvres telles que <i>La Constitution de la Société</i> (1984).</span></span><span lang="FR" style="mso-ansi-language: FR;"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-ansi-language: FR;"><span>Il présente une tentative développé pour aller au-delà du dualisme de la structure et l'agence et plaide en faveur de la «dualité de structure» - où la structure sociale est à la fois le moyen et le résultat de l'action sociale.</span></span><span lang="FR" style="mso-ansi-language: FR;"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-ansi-language: FR;"><span>Pour Giddens, une des agents d'interaction commune avec la structure, comme un système de normes, est décrit comme «structuration».</span></span><span lang="FR" style="mso-ansi-language: FR;"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-ansi-language: FR;"><span>Le terme «réflexivité» est utilisé pour faire référence à la capacité d'un agent de modifier consciemment sa place dans la structure sociale; ainsi la mondialisation et l'émergence de la «post-traditionnelle» de la société pourrait être déclaré pour permettre la «réflexivité sociale accrue ».</span></span><span lang="FR" style="mso-ansi-language: FR;"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-ansi-language: FR;"><span>Sciences sociales et politiques sont donc importants parce que la connaissance sociale, comme la connaissance de soi, est potentiellement émancipateur. </span><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Wikipédia</span></i></span> </div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
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</div><div style="text-align: justify;">* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.</div>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-14552999087217406152011-06-25T21:16:00.001-07:002011-06-25T21:16:32.113-07:00In the Shadow of a Self-defeating System<br />
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</style> <![endif]--> <div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; line-height: 115%;">In the Shadow of a Self-defeating System</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Ali Asghar Kazemi</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">June 2011 <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">__________________<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">A system is a set of interacting or interdependent elements and components forming an integrated whole.<b> </b></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">These elements continually influence one another in a direct or indirect manner in order to maintain their activity, stability and survivability (existence), for the purpose of achieving the projected goals of the system.</span><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In order to remain stable, a system must consume a certain amount of energy which is called entropy of the system. </span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Entropy is associated with the amount of order, disorder, and/or chaos in a system.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The efficiency of a system relates to the ratio of its input to output<b>.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></b>When this ratio is too low or negative, the system is said to be self-defeating.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Systems can be “open” with continuous interaction with their environment, or “closed” without such relations. Closed systems have a tendency to self-deteriorate because they have no means to receive feedbacks from the environment in order to correct their path, structure or behavior.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Political systems have the same characteristics and follow the same set of laws and pattern of behavior. Isolated systems cannot reproduce their values and principles and in the long run tend to go into seclusion from the main international environment. The costs of such isolation are usually too high to afford. Many countries in the past have willfully gone through this experience and have finally decided to enter in the mainstream of global interaction. Cases of China and Japan in the past centuries are good examples.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In the case of Iran, isolation has been imposed on the Islamic regime because of its defying conduct with respect to great powers on many issues including the nuclear project. Indeed, the political system governing in Iran is no exception of the general rule that in the long run isolation will cause serious damages to the nation as a whole. The problem is where the blame should be put for this aggravating situation?</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">A partially closed political system with a rigid ideological structure in constant phobia of being threatened by the environment, the political system in Iran has been consuming all its moral and material energy to cope with its alleged internal and external enemies during the past three decades. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">From the first elected president of the Islamic Republic, Banisadr, to the present incumbent Ahmadinejad, almost all important office-holders in Iran <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>have been one way or another accused of deviating from path of Islam and Imam, during or after leaving the office. The list is too long, but two important figures Moussavi (former Prime Minister) and Karrubi, former Speaker of the Parliament, are now among the opposition groups under house arrest. Former Presidents Rafsanjani and Khatami are also in the same black list and are being harassed here and there for their political views and positions. At present time many high ranking former officials, professors, lawyers and journalists are in jail for various reasons.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">One is really baffled why so many important personalities, in the Islamic regime’s standard, have turned their back to the regime? Is there anything wrong with the “structure” of the system, or the problem lies on the attitude and performance of the political “agents?” In political terms, the quandary can be limited to an <i>“agency-structure”</i> dilemma.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The debate concerning the primacy of either structure or agency with regard to human behavior is a central ontological issue in sociology, political science, and the other social sciences. In this context, "agency" refers to the capacity of individuals to act independently and to make their own free choices.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span></span></span></a> "Structure", by contrast, refers to the recurrent patterned arrangements which seem to influence or limit the choices and opportunities that individuals possess.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span></span></span></a> The structure versus agency debate may therefore be understood simply as the issue of democratization versus dictatorship and socialization against autonomy. <a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">In the case of present Iran, it seems that both structure and agency are in permanent interaction to limit the influence and impact of each other. That is, structure, under rigorous and rigid ideological tenets, inhibits the sphere of choices and actions of the agency and reciprocally, the agency must put into action all its power and capacity to evade from the structural impediments. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">This process indeed leaves no more strength for the agent to perform his duties and obligation vis-à-vis the people and the nation as a whole. In other words, the entropy of the system is so much high that it should consume all its effort to merely survive in a fragile situation and in a hostile environment. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">This methodological reasoning can be verified in the daily business of governmental agencies at various levels and proven in their decisions and actions in domestic and international affairs.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The Islamic regime has been spending very much to bribe great powers such as Russia and China to attract their support on the nuclear issue. But, so far this effort has not produced satisfactory results. Indeed, political support of entities such as Syria, Hamas and Hezbollah in the Middle East, and a number of South American states on the Iranian payroll cannot produce any substantial result in a quasi hostile international community composed of more than 200 sovereign states. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In domestic affairs, many lucrative projects in off-shore oil and gas, roads and dams construction, telecommunication, heavy industry and the likes have been handed over to the Revolutionary Guards’ high ranking officers<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>with a view to acquire their backing. However, it is not quite sure whether in time of crisis and emergency they will respond to the expectation of those who count on their support.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Political system in Iran suffers from a structural malaise that inhibits its agents from making rational -and not forcibly ideological- decisions and acting accordingly. It is therefore in constant discord with its human elements and components making the system vulnerable to the hostile political environment in domestic and foreign affairs. Due to this lack of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>coherence, the system has to consume all its energy and actual capacity to cope with problems thus created on its way. This process unavoidably pushes the system to a self-defeating dead-end that may compromise its very survival and stability. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">This topic needs to be elaborated in future comments. / </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><br clear="all" /> <hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /> <div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <div class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> Barker, Chris. 2005. Cultural Studies: Theory and Practice. London: Sage. p448</span></div></div><div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <div class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> Ibid</span></div></div><div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <div class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> Contemporary sociology has generally aimed toward a reconciliation of structure and agency as concepts. Anthony Giddens's developed "Structuration Theory" in such works as <i>The Constitution of Society</i> (1984). He presents a developed attempt to move beyond the dualism of structure and agency and argues for the "duality of structure" - where social structure is both the medium and the outcome of social action. For Giddens, an agents' common interaction with structure, as a system of norms, is described as "structuration". The term "reflexivity" is used to refer to the ability of an agent to consciously alter his or her place in the social structure; thus globalization and the emergence of the 'post-traditional' society might be said to allow for "greater social reflexivity". Social and political sciences are therefore important because social knowledge, as self-knowledge, is potentially emancipator. <i>Wikipedia</i></span></div></div></div><br />
* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-74997098678143313002011-06-23T07:13:00.000-07:002011-06-23T14:54:30.056-07:00Les dimensions ontologiques des droits de l'homme<br />
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<span style="font-size: large;"> <span style="line-height: 115%;"><b>Les dimensions ontologiques des droits de l'homme</b></span></span> <br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"> <b>Ali Asghar Kazemi *</b> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"> <span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;"><b>Téhéran-mai 2011</b></span> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><br />
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</b></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: large;"><b> <span style="font-size: small;"> Contenu</span></b></span> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"><br />
</span> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"> <span style="line-height: 115%;"><b>Introduction ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ....</b></span></span> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"><br />
</span> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"> <span style="line-height: 115%;"><b>La perspective ontologique ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...</b></span></span> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"><br />
</span> </div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"> <span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><b>La théorie critique et ontologie juridique ... ... ... ... ...</b></span></span> </div><h2 style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"> <span style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; line-height: 115%;">Concept de «droit» dans la théorie juridique ... ... ... ... ... ..</span></span> </h2><h3 style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-weight: normal; line-height: 115%;"><i> </i></span> <span style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-weight: normal; line-height: 115%;"><i>- Les droits moraux vs juridiques ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...</i></span></span> </h3><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b> </b> <i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><b> </b> </span></i> <i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Réclamation des droits et des droits de la Liberté ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... -</span></i></span> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"> <span style="line-height: 115%;"><b>Droits de l'Homme: Dichotomie ontologique ... ... ...</b></span></span> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"><br />
</span> </div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b> </b> <span style="color: black; font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span class="mw-headline"><i>Indivisibilité-vs catégorisation <span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">...</span> ... ... ...</i></span></span> <span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">... ... ....</span></span> <span style="font-size: small;"><br />
</span> <span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> </span> <span class="mw-headline"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">- L'universalisme vs</span></i></span></span> <span style="font-size: small;"> <span class="mw-headline"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> </span></i></span> <span class="mw-headline"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Le relativisme ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...</span></i></span></span> <span style="font-size: small;"> <span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> </span></span> <span style="font-size: small;"><br />
</span> <span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> </span></span> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 18pt; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i><span style="line-height: 115%;"><b> </b></span></i> <i><span style="line-height: 115%;"><b>-</b> Acteurs étatiques vs non-étatiques ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ....</span></i></span> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 18pt; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"><br />
</span> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"> <span style="line-height: 115%;"><b>Conclusions ... ... ... ... <i>... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ....</i></b></span> <i><span style="line-height: 115%;"><b> </b></span></i></span> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i><span style="line-height: 115%;"><b> </b></span></i></span> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"> <span style="line-height: 115%;"><b>Bibliographie ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ..</b></span></span> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"><br />
</span> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"> <span style="line-height: 115%;"><b>Lectures supplémentaires ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...</b></span></span> </div><span style="font-size: small;"> </span><br />
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</span> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"> </span><b>Introduction</b> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"> Beaucoup a été écrit pendant la seconde moitié du siècle passé sur les différents aspects de «droits de l'homme», mais les étudiants de droit, la politique et les relations internationales sont moins familiers avec la base ontologique de cette question d'importance vitale. Depuis l'adoption de la Déclaration universelle des Droits de l'Homme (DUDH) en 1948 et les conventions et pactes internationaux ultérieurs <span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="">[1]</a></span></span> , nous avons vu augmenter critiques de divers milieux sur la justification de l'accent mis sur les extraordinaires telles que les droits inaliénables des peuples du monde entier. Certains ont accusé cette tendance comme un intellectualisme injustifiables en particulier dans les pays traditionnellement en arrière. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"> En fait, la lecture grâce à l'immense littérature sur les droits humains à tort l'impression que ce sujet est une invention de la puissance occidentale qui est actuellement utilisé comme un instrument de pression politique contre les traditionnels et les moins développés sociétés autoritaires. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"> Les partisans de l'universalité des droits de l'homme estiment que tandis que les cultures séculaires ont institutionnalisé cette affaire comme «important article de foi," <a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[2]</span></span></a> , nous assistons à une crise qui se développe dans d'autres parties du monde et surtout depuis <sup>11</sup> Septembre 2001 de la légitimité des droits de l'homme est sérieusement menacée. <a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[3]</span></span></a> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"> Hannah Arendt <a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[4]</span></span></a> a dit que «les dimensions ontologiques des droits humains ont été largement ignorées en faveur de la justice» <a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[5]</span></span></a> Cet essai tente de regarder le problème en examinant la question d'un point de vue ontologique. L'objectif principal ici n'est pas «droits humains» <i>en soi</i> et les normes conventionnelles régissant son domaine, plutôt, l'objectif est d'étudier les conditions requises préliminaire pour elle; qui est le fondement ontologique qui embrasse les droits inaliénables de l'homme en vertu de sa nature même un «être humain» et pas nécessairement en tant que membre de la société ou le citoyen d'une entité politique appelée l'Etat. <span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[6]</span></a></span> Dans le décompte final, la question est de savoir si l'homme mépris de sa race, de foi, le sexe, la croyance et l'appartenance politique ou territoriale, à terme existe totalement pour ou en tant que membre de la société ou qui existe dans un certain sens important pour lui indépendant de l'environnement socio-politique? Une autre question importante est de savoir si le droit de ces droits implique un devoir corrélatif ou il s'agit simplement d'un privilège que de base garanties morales que les gens jouiront dans tous les pays et cultures, simplement parce qu'ils sont des êtres humains. Il sera fait valoir que le problème des droits de l'homme est essentiellement un manque d'application effective dans un système disparates internationale chaotique. <a href="https://sites.google.com/site/strategicdiscoursesite/the-ontological-dimensions-of-human-rights"><i>Lire le texte complet en pdf</i></a> </div><div style="text-align: left;"><br clear="all" /></div><div id="ftn1" style="text-align: left;"><div class="MsoNormal"><b> </b> <b>_________</b> </div><div class="MsoFootnoteText"><span dir="RTL"></span> <span dir="RTL" lang="FA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span dir="RTL"></span></span> <span dir="RTL" lang="FA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">*</span> <span dir="LTR"></span> <span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span dir="LTR"></span></span> <span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span dir="RTL"></span> <span dir="RTL"><span dir="RTL"></span></span></span> <span dir="RTL"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">-</span></span> <span dir="LTR"></span> <span lang="AR-SA"><span dir="LTR"></span> </span> <b>Ali Asghar Kazemi</b> est l'ancien doyen et professeur de droit et relations <span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">internationales</span> à la <span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">Faculté</span> de Droit et de Science politique <span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">-..</span> Post-Graduate <span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">Programme,</span> l'AIU, <span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">Direction des</span> sciences et de recherche de Téhéran-Iran Dr Kazemi est diplômé de l'Académie française navale et la United States Naval <span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">Post-Graduate</span> School, Monterrey en Californie Il est titulaire d'un doctorat de la Fletcher School of Law and <span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">Diplomacy,</span> Medford, Massachusetts aux <span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">USA.</span> <span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";"> </span> <i><a href="http://translate.googleusercontent.com/translate_c?hl=en&ie=UTF8&prev=_t&rurl=translate.google.com&sl=auto&tl=fr&twu=1&u=http://www.aakazemi.blogspot.com/&usg=ALkJrhjh-seETnS0aRahHSkRO9Cws2NeDQ">www.aakazemi.blogspot.com</a></i> </div><div class="MsoFootnoteText"><br />
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</div><div class="MsoFootnoteText"> <span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[1]</span></a></span> Les plus connus sont le Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques et le Pacte international relatif aux droits économiques, sociaux et culturels. </div></div><div id="ftn2" style="text-align: left;"><div class="MsoFootnoteText"> <span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[2]</span></a></span> L'historien canadien Michael Ignatieff, Voir: Ignatieff, M. (1999), <i>dont les valeurs universelles?</i> <i>La crise des droits humains <b>de La Haye:.</b></i> Essai <i><b>Erasmianum Praemium.</b></i> </div></div><div id="ftn3" style="text-align: left;"><h1> <span style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-weight: normal;"><span class="MsoHyperlink"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></span></a></span></span> <span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> </span></span> <span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; font-weight: normal;"><b>Rob Buitenweg,</b> <i>droits de l'homme et le paradoxe de l'humanisme</i></span> <span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span> <span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; font-weight: normal;">11 mai 2003</span> <span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt;"></span></h1></div><div id="ftn4" style="text-align: left;"><div class="MsoFootnoteText"> <a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[4]</span></span></a> <b>Hannah Arendt</b> (1906-1975) était un influent théoricien allemand politique américaine. </div><div class="MsoFootnoteText"><br />
</div></div><div id="ftn5" style="text-align: left;"><div class="MsoFootnoteText"> <a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[5]</span></span></a> Voir: Sarena Parekh, <i> </i> <i>Hanna Arrendt et le défi de la modernité, une phénoménologie des droits de l'homme.</i> Routledg, 2008. </div></div><div id="ftn6" style="text-align: left;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;"> <span style="font-size: 10pt;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[6]</span></span></a> J'ai emprunté cette approche de</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Raymond <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Dennehy,</span></span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;"><i>le fondement ontologique des droits de l'homme</i></span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">de l'Université de San <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Francisco,</span> San Francisco, en <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Californie.</span></span> </div><div class="MsoFootnoteText"><br />
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* Ali Asghar Kazemi est professeur de droit et relations internationales à Téhéran-Iran. Etudiants, chercheurs, institutions académiques, des médias ou toute partie intéressée dans l'utilisation de tout ou partie de cet article sont invités à le faire avec la condition de donner pleine d'attribution à l'auteur, chercheur-Journal et le Moyen-Orient Forum académique. © Tous droits réservés copie.<br />
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</div>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-26468511895239810652011-06-22T02:38:00.000-07:002011-06-22T15:48:42.859-07:00The Ontological Dimensions of Human Rights<div style="text-align: left;"></div><div style="text-align: left;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: left;"><b><span style="font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;">The Ontological Dimensions of Human Rights</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><b>Ali Asghar Kazemi*</b></div><div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: left;"><br />
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><b>Introduction</b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;">Much has been written during the second half of the past century about various aspects of “Human Rights,” but students of law, politics and international relations are less acquainted with the ontological basis of this vitally important issue. Since the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 1948 and the subsequent international conventions and covenants<a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span></span></a>, we saw increasing criticisms from various circles on the rationale of such extraordinary emphasis on the inalienable rights of people around the world. Some have accused this trend as an unjustifiable intellectualism especially in traditionally backward countries. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;">In fact, reading through the immense literature on human rights conveys the false impression that this topic is an invention of Western power which is now being used as an instrument of political pressure against traditional and less developed authoritarian societies. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;">Proponents of universality of human rights believe that while secular cultures have institutionalized this matter as “major article of faith,”<a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span></span></a> we are witnessing a developing crisis in other parts of the world and especially since September 11<sup>th</sup> 2001 the legitimacy of human rights is under serious threat. <a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></span></span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;">Hannah Arendt<a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[4]</span></span></span></a> once said that “the ontological dimensions of human rights have been largely ignored in favor of the judicial”<a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[5]</span></span></span></a> This essay attempts to look at the issue by examining the matter from an ontological point of view. The main focus here is not “human rights” <i>per se</i> and the conventional norms governing its realm, rather, the aim is to investigate the preliminary requisites to it; that is the ontological basis that embraces man’s inalienable rights by virtue of his very nature as a “human being” and not necessarily as a member of society or the citizen of a political entity called state. <a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[6]</span></span></span></a> In the final account, the question is whether man-disregard of his race, faith, gender, creed and political or territorial affiliation- ultimately exists totally for or as a member of society or exists in some significant sense for himself independent of the socio-political environment? Another important question is whether the entitlement of such rights entails a correlative duty or it is merely a privilege as basic moral guarantees that people shall enjoy in all countries and cultures simply because they are human beings. It will be argued that the problem of human rights is essentially lack of effective enforcement in a disparate chaotic international system. <a href="https://sites.google.com/site/strategicdiscoursesite/the-ontological-dimensions-of-human-rights"><i>Read full text in pdf</i></a></div><div style="text-align: left;"><br />
</div><hr size="1" style="margin-left: 0px; margin-right: auto;" width="33%" /><div id="ftn1" style="text-align: left;"><div class="MsoNormal"><b> _________</b></div><div class="MsoFootnoteText"><span dir="RTL" lang="FA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">*</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span dir="RTL">- </span></span><span lang="AR-SA"> </span><b>Ali Asghar Kazemi</b> is Former Dean and currently Professor of Law and <span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"></span>International Relations at the <span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"></span>Faculty of Law and Political Science - Post-Graduate <span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"></span>Program, IAU, Science and Research <span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"></span>Branch. <span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"></span>Tehran- Iran.<span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"></span> Dr. Kazemi is a graduate of the French Naval Academy and The United States Naval Post-<span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"></span>Graduate School, Monterrey Calif. He holds PhD from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, <span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"></span>Medford, Mass. USA.<span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";"> </span><a href="http://www.aakazemi.blogspot.com/"><i>www.aakazemi.blogspot.com</i></a></div><div class="MsoFootnoteText"><br />
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</div><div class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span></span></a> The best-known are the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.</div></div><div id="ftn2" style="text-align: left;"><div class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span></span></a> Canadian historian Michael Ignatieff, See: Ignatieff, M. (1999), <i>Whose universal values? The crisis in human rights</i>. <b><i>The Hague: Praemium Erasmianum</i></b> Essay.</div></div><div id="ftn3" style="text-align: left;"><h1><span style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-weight: normal;"><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> </span></span><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; font-weight: normal;">Rob Buitenweg, </span></b><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; font-weight: normal;">Human Rights and the Paradox of Humanism</span></i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; font-weight: normal;">11 May, 2003 </span></h1></div><div id="ftn4" style="text-align: left;"><div class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[4]</span></span></span></a> <b>Hannah Arendt</b> (1906 – 1975) was an influential German American political theorist.</div><div class="MsoFootnoteText"><br />
</div></div><div id="ftn5" style="text-align: left;"><div class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[5]</span></span></span></a> See: Sarena Parekh, <i> Hanna Arrendt and the Challenge of Modernity, A Phenomenology of Human Rights</i>. Routledg, 2008.</div></div><div id="ftn6" style="text-align: left;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=14478705#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[6]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-size: 10pt;">I have borrowed this approach from</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> Raymond Dennehy</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">, <i>The Ontological basis of Human Rights</i> </span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">University of San Francisco</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> ,</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">San Francisco, California</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">.</span></div><div class="MsoFootnoteText"><br />
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</div><div style="text-align: left;">* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.</div>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-43747382554759001532011-05-14T02:19:00.000-07:002011-05-14T05:46:40.901-07:00Power Struggle in Iran<br />
<div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;">Politics of Witchcraft and Power Struggle in Iran</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></b><b><span dir="RTL" lang="FA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">A. A. Kazemi</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">May 12, 2011</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">________________________</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: center; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="FA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">باش تا صبح دولت ات بد مد کاین هنوز از نتایج سحر است</span></b></div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: center; unicode-bidi: embed;"><br />
</div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">Wait till the majestic glow of the morning light</span></i></div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">This is yet the results of the early dawn bright</span></i></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Introduction</span></b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"></span></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">It took more than six long years for the Islamic regime<b> </b>to realize that the man, who was led to occupy the office of the “president” in Iran, was in fact an empty magic box, making too much noise while connected with a dubious entourage of a witchcraft circle. Indeed, this looks not much bizarre for a pompous figure who has led the nation to the brink of another war with his controversial claims and behavior. Perhaps he is relying on the magic power of his allies for the management of the world,. The danger lies on his consistent pretension of being a true Muslim believer having unusual connection with the Almighty “Allah” and his apostles namely the hidden 12<sup>th</sup> Imam of the Shiites.</span></div><div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Just very recently a number of Iranian President’s advisers were arrested and jailed for practicing witchcraft. They have been charged with sorcery</span><b> </b><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">in an attempt to influence</span> </b><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">and challenge the power of the supreme Leader in favor of their chief mentor.</span></b> <span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">This has been construed as part of power struggle before the upcoming parliamentary elections in Iran’s political arena. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">How far the practice of witchcraft during the past several years (i.e. during Mr. Ahmadinejad tenure in office) has influenced government’s decisions decision making process? What is the extent of damages caused to the nation as a whole and the Islamic regime in particular as a result of this astonishing practice? What is the fate of the incumbent president after the revelation of the witchcraft scandal?</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">This short paper shall attempt to shed some light on the subject and evaluate the objectives and consequences of witchcraft practice by the president’s entourage and his reliance upon supernatural phenomenon for the attainment of his long-range political goals.</span></div><br />
<a href="http://scholarforum.blogspot.com/2011/05/politics-of-witchcraft-and-power.html"><i><b>Read More</b></i></a> <br />
<a href="https://sites.google.com/site/strategicdiscoursesite/politics-of-witchcraft-and-power-struggle-in-iran"><i><b>pdf File</b></i></a> <br />
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* <b>Ali Asghar Kazemi</b> is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-5969835590174573452011-04-26T08:06:00.000-07:002011-04-26T22:12:09.377-07:00Metaphysics of Violence and Terror<br />
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="mso-outline-level: 1; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[First Draft]</span></div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="mso-outline-level: 1; text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-outline-level: 1;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;">Metaphysics of Violence and Terror </span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-outline-level: 1;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Ali Asghar Kazemi</span></b><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></b></span></span></b></span></a><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-outline-level: 1;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">April 2011</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">__________________________ </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Introduction</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Just very recently, amidst the fateful crisis in Libya, the embattled Libyan dictator Qaddafi warned the NATO forces that soon he will mobilize an army of invisible “Jinns”<a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span></span></a> to confront the infidel intruders to a Muslim land. It is not known what the reaction of NATO commanders in the field was, but eventually Qaddafi was quite serious about his metaphysical assertion when he ordered his forces to slaughter opposition groups.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Throughout the history of mankind, political rulers joint with spiritual leaders have used and abused the supernatural beliefs and metaphysical forces in order to establish their power and solidify their grip over the minds and bodies of people. Religious wars of the past, inquisition trials, torture, prison and other cruel punishments are considered as clear manifestations of the influence of the outer-world in the daily life of people.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Terror and violence are terms that have existed all along with the development human society from primitive times to the present. In prehistoric era to the advent of men’s primeval civilization, violence was part of daily life in the “state of nature” which was a product of pure human instinct for survival. Gradually, before reason became as the ground foundation for “civil society”, religion and metaphysics dominated the realm of knowledge of the world and its various sophisticated phenomenon. Thenceforth, violence became inseparable parts of religious rituals that still today are being observed as a sacred duty in some religions.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=9752376#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">What are the principal causes of these acts of terror and violence that seem to be inseparable part of human societies? The main argument in this paper is that violence, terror and atrocities such as September 11 events, suicide attacks and other mass killings, executions and the likes, should be explained and understood only within the purview of “metaphysical paradigm” and not necessarily through conventional rational approaches. ..<i><b>.<a href="http://scholarforum.blogspot.com/2011/04/metaphysics-of-violence-and-terror.html">Read More</a></b></i></span></div><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><br />
<i><b><a href="https://sites.google.com/site/strategicdiscoursesite/metaphysics-of-violence-and-terror">See pdf file</a></b></i><br />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;"><div class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> <b>Ali Asghar Kazemi</b> is Former Dean and currently Professor of Law and </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">International Relations at the </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Faculty of Law and Political Science - Post-Graduate </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Program, IAU, Science and Research </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Branch. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Tehran- Iran.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> Dr. Kazemi is a graduate of the French Naval Academy and The United States Naval Post-</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Graduate School, Monterrey Calif. He holds PhD from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Medford, Mass. USA.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";"><span dir="RTL"></span></span></div><div class="MsoFootnoteText"><br />
</div></div><div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;"><div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> In the Islamic tradition, Jinn is a spirit that can take on various human and animal forms and makes mischievous use of its supernatural powers. Jinns are mentioned in the <span class="yshortcuts">Quran</span> like a zillion times. They even have a surah to themselves. (Suratul Jinn). They use to reveal to the Prophet Muhammad in times he needed help against his enemies. Sometimes, they even carry him to their world to teach whole clan of them.</span></div><div class="MsoFootnoteText"><br />
</div></div><div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;"><div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=9752376#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> Scarifying various animals (instead of human beings in the past) during religious rituals and manifestations can be indeed considered a form of systematic violence still practiced in certain societies. </span></div></div></div><br />
* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-53179798978971407922011-04-14T23:27:00.000-07:002011-04-14T23:27:29.695-07:00“Is this Me this Glorious Peacock?”<br />
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</style> <![endif]--> <div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 18pt; line-height: 115%;">“Is this Me this Glorious Peacock?” </span></b><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 21pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18pt;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span>( Pondering on Iran's Economic Reform)</span></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 21pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18pt;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 21pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18pt;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span>A.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span></b><span dir="LTR"></span><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">A. <span> </span>Kazemi </span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">_____________<span> </span></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><b><span dir="RTL" lang="FA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">این منم طاووس علیین شده<span> </span><span> </span><span> </span>زیر بالم این جهان رنگین شده؟</span></b></div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">When Mr. Ahmadinejad’s old car was auctioned</span></b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> for more than two million dollars and later his jacket was sold for over $50’000 in an strange public sale for charitable purposes, some critiques observed that he would <span> </span>better <span> </span>sell his socks and underwear for the sake of <span> </span><span> </span>saving his economic reform plan! </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Indeed, Ahmadinejad is a clever but naïve man who lives with his raw illusions and ideals rooted in his limited world view. Nonetheless, he is a peculiar phenomenon who happens to occupy a high position that entails the fate of a nation in the long history of this land of marvel called Iran! His recurrent eccentric and pompous claims to take in hand the management of the world stems from an inner drive for self-importance that should be excavated through his past. His way of running the business of the country is a reflection of this malaise. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">As I said elsewhere in my previous comments, “the implementation of the economic reform plans needs a number of prerequisites without which chances for its failure are very high.” It is necessary and important to reiterate here what I summarized about <span> </span>those preconditions in the in that article:</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><ul style="margin-top: 0cm;" type="disc"><li class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">“ A favorable domestic environment paving the way for people<span> </span>bearing eventual economic hardship created due to inflation and price adjustments after the abolition of subsidies on energy and consumers goods;</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">People confidence on the capacity, honesty and competence of the government.<span> </span>This factor<span> </span>has been under serious strains, especially after the alleged fraud and unconvinced presidential elections of 2009;</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span> </span>A favorable international environment which facilitates foreign investments and transfer of technology. This dimension is seriously damaged due to the nuclear crisis<span> </span>which has deprived Iran from all transactions<span> </span>with the rest of the world through the adoption of four UN Security Council resolutions devising economic sanctions against Iran;</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span> </span>A realistic understanding of the world’s rules of the game and a rational decision about friends and foes with a view to promote national interests in all circumstances and making Iran less vulnerable to outside threats;</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Transparency and truthfulness on all aspects regarding economic reform and sincere cooperation with the parliament with respect to the gradual implementation of the plan.”</span></li>
</ul><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">While the initial steps of the reform plan package is underway, recent bills for gas and electricity shocked people dreadfully and protests against government are spreading around the country. People are only wondering how they could survive the galloping inflation that is being injected to the society. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">On the other side, officials are announcing that monetary reform is underway and soon we will be witnessing four zeros being removed from national currency. This means another terrible psychological shock to the besieged people. In fact, it seems that somebody in the government (perhaps the glorious peacock) is prescribing “shock-therapy” for curing economic malaise in the country. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">As I mentioned earlier, the accomplishment of an unprecedented national plan for structural changes encompass strategic, social, cultural, political, psychological and human factors as well.<span> </span>Handling the above requisites at present Iran seems rather difficult. Since, in this circumstance, people seem not prepared to sacrifice their short and long-run interests in situations that require devotion, dedication and support for those who have no true sympathy for them and their causes.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Rising gold price in recent days is a good indication of people’s fear of diminishing their purchasing power on a daily basis, which makes them to rush to the gold market to exchange their assets to this precious metal and other robust foreign currencies.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">People have learned by experience during the past years that they should not rely much on government officials whose promises,<span> </span>actions and intentions are not always genuine. This stems from lack of transparency and accountability which in turn gives way to rumors and negative information propagated by opposition groups inside and outside the country. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">As an odd remedy to this negative development, just recently police forces have staged a coordinated raid to private </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">residences in various quarters in Tehran and other cities for destroying satellite dishes and </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">confiscating related equipment on the rooftops. This is pursuant to a rather old law, almost </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">dormant for several years, forbidding such utensils for households’ uses. This </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">means that people should only watch and listen to official broadcast which are merely </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">tasked to publicizing the outstanding achievements of the sanctified government. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Meanwhile, according to the World Bank predictions, Iran will experience a zero </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">percent economic growth rate in 2011; this actually means a negative growth for the </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">current year if population increase is subtracted from the equation.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">In order to move toward achieving the reform plan in its all aspects, the “charming peacock” should open his wide eyes on the realities of domestic affairs as well as of what is going on in the tumultuous region around our country. <span> </span>The government as a whole has to convince people of its good intention and its capacity to cope with adverse impact of economic reform on people’s daily life.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Attracting people’s confidence and avoiding tension with neighbors and the rest of the world is a must for the achievement of economic reform plan that is key factor for peace and stability, <span> </span>development of the country and well-being of the people./ </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><br />
* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-90373057058408971062011-04-13T06:39:00.000-07:002011-04-13T06:39:54.872-07:00Iran Should Avoid Tension in the Persian Gulf<br />
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<div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">Iran Should Avoid Tension in the Persian Gulf</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Ali Asghar Kazemi</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">April 13, 2011<span> </span></span></b><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">_____________________________</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Tension is the last thing we need in the Persian Gulf. </span></b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">While the whole Middle East and Northern Africa is engulfed in a critical crisis situation and almost all states are alarmed for their very survival, the Islamic regime in Iran should avoid entering into verbal disputes with its neighbors that could be escalated to a real conflict. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Recent exchanges of acrimonious statements between mid-level officials in Iran, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait and others are ominous signs of rising hostilities in the region. Perhaps Iranians do not really mean to aggravate the situation by their harsh responses to unfriendly words coming from the Persian Gulf states. But, these latter, fearing Iran’s intentions seem to take these threats seriously. Such misapprehension could lead to an unwanted conflict which eventually will usher the doors for non-regional powers to enter in the quarrel.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">There is no doubt that for many reasons Western powers will take such occurrence as a good opportunity to straighten their perennial grudge with the Islamic regime once for all. Indeed, as I mentioned <a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2011/04/wider-implications-of-military.html">elsewhere</a> , the case of Libyan military intervention under the UN Security Council Resolution is a bad sign for this eventuality. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Whether we like it or not, in the eyes of many states in the world, Iran has become a source of threat to the peace and stability in the region and the international community has a duty to contain its ambitions at all costs. Thus far, the Security Council has issued four important resolutions under Chapter VII of the UN Charter devising harsh sanctions against Iran’s nuclear endeavor without much success. Iranian defiance is like a contemptible slap to the face of the United Nations which could have grave consequences. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The heightening of tension between Iran and the Persian Gulf states, if not contained vigilantly, could give a good and legitimate pretext to foreign powers, especially the United States, to seize the opportunity to bring a defiant state to its knees. This could lead to the destruction of important strategic and economic assets of Iran with huge human and material losses. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">We hope that high decision makers in Iran avoid escalating the tensions with our neighbors and refrain intermingling in the internal affairs of other states which could create grave consequences at this particular juncture for the fate of the Islamic regime and the future of Iranian people. /</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><br />
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* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-6143143329359435362011-04-05T22:24:00.000-07:002011-04-10T05:27:43.408-07:00The Wider Implications of Military Intervention in Libya<br />
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<div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;">The Wider Implications of Military Intervention in Libya</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Ali Asghar Kazemi</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></b><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">April 6, 2011</span></b><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></b><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> ________________________ </span></div><div class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></b><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> While fighting is still continuing in Libya</span></b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> and the ill-fated Qaddafi is trapped </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">in his own insane decisions to remain in power, the outcome of the military </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">intervention is more or less clear; total destruction and defeat. Indeed, this is the </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">end of an era in Libya and the oppressive rule of a madman who for more than </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">forty long years ridiculed the whole world by his contemptible behavior. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Unfortunately, the international community closed eyes on the follies of this </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">lunatic man sitting on a huge reserve of oil in North Africa. Neither the United </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Nations nor other humanitarian institutions took seriously all the misdeed of </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">this dictator during this long period. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Perhaps, among all the self-claimed rulers in the Arab world, Qaddafi was the most notorious. Since, while completely losing touch with realities, he claimed to be the most open popular leader who should be followed as a model and praised in the whole world. From time to time, , he took conciliatory actions such as paying huge compensation for the Lockerbie plane crash affair and the dismantling of the nuclear project venture, out of extreme necessity for survival. But, he never gave up his ill-wishes in the back of his insane mind.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">With the outbreak of crisis in Tunisia, Qaddafi observed that Ben Ali should remain in power despite mass protests against him. Eventually, he never dreamed of having a destiny worst than his counterpart in Tunisia. At least Ben Ali had the guts of giving up the power and leaving the country before huge human and material losses. What Qaddafi has left so far is a devastated country and thousands of victims. At least the next generation in Libya should pay the costs of this sufferance.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Our main purpose here was not to delve into the fate of Libya but rather the wider ramifications of military intervention in the region with explicit UN permission. There is no doubt that the bold and relatively quick action of the UN Security Council in the Libyan case will set an important legal and political precedent on the records of the United Nations for deciding to form a military coalition against a brutal dictators who wants to remain in power against the will of the people through force. Similar rulers in the region should take this example seriously and do in a way not to fall in the same trap as the Libyan leader did.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">We shall continue on this topic in our future comments. /</span></div><br />
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* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and The Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-45925276574458894052011-02-25T05:27:00.001-08:002011-02-25T05:27:51.816-08:00UN Security Council has the Duty to Liberate Libya<br />
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</style> <![endif]--> <div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">UN Security Council has the Duty to Liberate Libya<span> </span></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Ali Asghar Kazemi<span> </span></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">February 25, 2011<span> </span></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">_____________________<span> </span></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The Libyan crisis has come to a critical point</span></b><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> that without an immediate all-out intervention from the international community the situation will end up to a human tragedy and disaster. The Libyan dictator has so far refused to submit to the demands of the people and appeals of the international community. He has used every means at its disposal to annihilate the protesters around the country. There is indeed a real case of genocide going on in Libya and something has to be done immediately to halt the horrible situation in oppressed country.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The legitimate organ of the United Nations to intervene in such situation is indeed the Security Council that under Article 39 of Chapter VII of the UN Charter is duty bound to recognize that in fact the crisis has endangered <span> </span><span> </span>international peace and order and decides for appropriate actions to terminate the horrible condition. In such case, the members of the Council shall decide on some temporary measures and the enactment of relevant provisions of the Charter including Article 42 allowing military intervention. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Unfortunately, the Security Council has proven to be very slow or inactive in similar cases </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">in the past and this has left many defenseless people under dictatorial oppressions around the world. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">There is no doubt that, from a legal point, states’ sovereignty is still dominant determinant in international law and the world community so far lacks the appropriate quick and efficient mechanism to face similar crisis situations. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">This lacuna should be remedied in due time. But, for the moment an urgent action is needed by the Arab League along with the United Nations. The Security Council shall convene promptly and adopt a Resolution on the matter. This resolution has all the chances to be supported by all permanent and non-permanent members of the Security Council. The modalities of the military intervention under UN flag should be decided according to relevant articles of Chapter VII of the UN Charter. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">At this critical point of time, there is no more room for hesitation, deliberations, and political expediency and the whole international community should facilitate proper execution of the Security Council Resolution. Those who are still perplex on the immediate action to liberate Libya shall stay away from the case and do not hamper this urgent humanitarian mission, otherwise, they will encourage more bloodshed and genocide in this horrible crisis. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span> </span>We shall continue watching the Libyan situation and will write further comments on the case if necessary. /</span></div><br />
* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and Strategic Discourse. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9752376.post-58834624085676084602011-02-23T23:20:00.001-08:002011-02-23T23:20:16.087-08:00The Birth of a New Middle East<p> </p> <h1><b>The Birth of a New Middle East</b></h1> <h3><b>Ali Asghar Kazemi</b></h3> <p><b>February 24, 2011 </b></p> <p>________________________</p> <p>The year 2011 will be remembered as an important landmark in contemporary history of mankind and in particular the Middle East and the Arab world. Indeed, we are currently witnessing history in the making and parts of it are still in the process of achievement. Just like in childbirth, most often the process is accompanied by intense and sometimes prolonged pain.</p> <p>The throbbing level depends on factors such as physical, psychological and pathological conditions of the person (society) involved. This means that people with prior experience of revolts and revolutions may more easily run through the change and accept its consequences. While, in societies with traditional authoritarian rules, low level of development, education, natural resources, may endure more pain in the process. In some cases, the society involved may fall into a “post-traumatic stress disorder”<a href="#_ftn1_5823" name="_ftnref1_5823">[1]</a> which can be interpreted as civil wars, and other symptoms associated with internal crises etc.</p> <p>What happened in North Africa and the Middle East during the past two months, may symbolize the kinds of change that are initiated through an unanticipated marriage of people’s and new international media, which together gives birth to self-consciousness and revolt against rulers and dictators no longer attuned with the necessities of our times.<a href="#_ftn2_5823" name="_ftnref2_5823">[2]</a></p> <p>Tunisia which first set example in the series of revolution and swiftly overthrown the incumbent regime, had a relatively modest experience of democracy but in the long run became under an authoritarian corrupt rule that was no longer accountable to the people. Egyptians had a bit more difficulty in bringing down Mubarak who resisted to the last point but finally he was forced to step down. Unlike Ben Ali who quickly left the country, Mubarak preferred to stay in the country. Eventually, he knew that if he quits Egypt, people will demand his trial, as they did in the case of Ben Ali.</p> <p>In other places in the Middle East, situation has varied depending on the factors cited above. In Yemen and Bahrain, while the governments have given some concessions to protestors in order to curb at least momentarily the uprising, in Libya the so-called “Mad Man” (Gaddafi) has so far resisted giving up the power and has even used war plane to bombard and deter the unprotected people. </p> <p>This means that the suffering associated with the birth of the new child is too high to bear, unless a quick surgical operation, eventually with the help of foreign intervention, is taken place. In such case, possibly the whole world will be affected by the event. </p> <p>The New Middle East will undoubtedly be different from the past. But eventually, the apprehension of some pessimists who fear that it will fall in the hands of Islamic fundamentalists is unfounded. However, democratic peace-loving states should not take this for granted and ought to do everything possible to avoid that opportunist lefts or rights take advantage of the situation.</p> <p>If things are left at the will and initiative of the enlightened people of the region, without prejudice and grudge, the birth of the “New Middle East” will be a happy event that would pave the way for democracy, prosperity, peace and harmony in the world. /</p> <hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /> <p><a href="#_ftnref1_5823" name="_ftn1_5823">[1]</a> I have borrowed this term from regular childbirth literature.</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref2_5823" name="_ftn2_5823">[2]</a> See my article on “ The Power of People Plus Media” <a href="http://aakazemi.blogspot.com/2011/02/power-of-people-plus-media.html"><b>Middle East Academic Forum</b></a></p> Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16022709143525439143noreply@blogger.com0