Middle East Academic Forum

The extraordinary marvel of the new information technology has provided opportunity for all to plunge into the sea of knowledge for doing rigorous research or simply satisfying one’s intellectual curiosity in a particular field. This revolution has indeed changed all dimensions of our life and has given us the capacity and chance to tackle with all matters and questions of our interest.

With a bit of skill in computer and internet, it is now possible to have access to an immense amount of information concerning every conceivable fields of knowledge in the world. The problem for students in doing researches now is no longer the accessibility to the sources and literature but the selection of proper data and materials to verify or validate a proposition or hypothesis. This is indeed a real revolution that only past academic generations can fully appreciate.

This essay is the product of a simple curiosity and conjecture about man’s fate on earth in the light of extraordinary changes in knowledge and information technology. The emphasis here is on three important concepts of time, space and being facing such drastic unexpected transformation. I hope this will encourage other interested students of social sciences to ponder upon similar topics.

A Time for Reflection

While not very many people are interested in theoretical matters, there are some important issues in our daily life that have ontological character that require philosophical reflection.

For example, few ideas have penetrated the human consciousness as profoundly as that of time, space and being. The idea of time and space has occupied human thought for thousands of years. These things at first sight seem simple and easy to grasp, because they are close to everyday experience. Everything exists in time and space, so they appear as familiar conceptions. However, what is familiar is not necessarily understood. On closer examination, time and space are not so easily grasped. [1]

By the same token, being and existence, in the words of Heidegger is not definable by a "what", like a simple thing, but by a "who" that is shaped by existence in time. Thus, human being is to exist with a certain past, a personal and cultural history, and by an open series of possibilities that one can seize hold of or not.[2]

There is no doubt that the revolutionary change in technology has also affected the notions of time and space and consequently the reality of human being. Today we talk about “real time,” “cyber space,[3]” and “virtual reality.[4]” This means that we live in a world quite different from what our ancestors used to experience. How much are we aware of our existence in today’s life? How far are we limited in time and space in the fulfillment of our ideals? What is the present condition of human beings in closed societies?

In this essay we intend to reflect on the old notions of time, space and being in the light of new development in knowledge, with a view to comprehend man’s present condition and to find out whether he is better off or worse in life. Read full text in pdf

[1] See: Relativity Theory, http://www.marxist.com/science-old/relativitytheory.html

[2] In what, then, does the being of being human consist? Heidegger's answer is existence (Existenz). Therefore, the question of being is to be accessed by way of what Heidegger calls "an existential analytic". But what sort of thing is human existence? It is obviously defined by time: we are creatures with a past, who move through a present and who have available to them a series of possibilities, what Heidegger calls "ways to be". For Heidegger, there are two dominant modes of being human: authenticity and inauthenticity. See Infra.

[3] In current usage the term "cyberspace" stands for the global network of interdependent information technology infrastructures, telecommunications networks and computer processing systems. As a social experience, individuals can interact, exchange ideas, share information, provide social support, conduct business, direct actions, create artistic media, play games, engage in political discussion, and so on, using this global network. The term has become a conventional means to describe anything associated with the Internet and the diverse Internet culture. Wikipedia

[4] Virtual reality (VR) is a term that applies to computer-simulated environments that can simulate physical presence in places in the real world, as well as in imaginary worlds.

* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts ‎of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the ‎Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.‎

Dans l'ombre d'un Système Incohérent

2011-06-26T04:47:00.000-07:00

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Dans l'ombre d'un Système Incohérent

Ali Asghar Kazemi

Juin 2011

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Un système est un ensemble d'éléments interdépendants et en interaction ou composants formant un ensemble intégré. Ces éléments s'influencent sans cesse d'une manière directe ou indirecte en vue de maintenir leur activité, de stabilité et de survie (l'existence), dans le but d'atteindre les objectifs projetés du système.

Afin de rester stable, un système doit consommer une certaine quantité d'énergie qui est appelée entropie du système. Entropie est associée à la quantité de l'ordre, le désordre et / ou le chaos dans un système. L'efficacité d'un système concerne le ratio de son entrée à la sortie. Lorsque ce ratio est trop faible ou négative, le système est dit pour être auto-destructeur.

Les systèmes peuvent être «ouvert» avec une interaction permanente avec leur environnement, ou "fermé", sans ces relations. Les systèmes fermés ont une tendance à l'auto-détériorent parce qu'ils n'ont aucun moyen de recevoir des feedbacks de l'environnement afin de corriger leur trajectoire, la structure ou le comportement.

Les systèmes politiques ont les mêmes caractéristiques et suivre le même ensemble de lois et de modèle de comportement. Systèmes isolés ne peuvent reproduire leurs valeurs et leurs principes et dans le long terme ont tendance à aller dans la solitude de l'environnement international principal. Les coûts d'un tel isolement sont généralement trop élevés pour le permettre. De nombreux pays dans le passé ont volontairement passé par cette expérience et ont finalement décidé d'entrer dans le courant de l'interaction globale. Cas de la Chine et le Japon dans les siècles passés sont de bons exemples.

Dans le cas de l'Iran, l'isolement a été imposé sur le régime islamique en raison de sa conduite défiant à l'égard de grandes puissances sur de nombreuses questions, y compris le projet nucléaire. En effet, le système politique régissant l'Iran ne fait pas exception à la règle générale que dans l'isolement à long terme sera la cause de graves dommages à la nation dans son ensemble. Le problème est où le blâme doit être mis dans cette situation aggravante?

Un système politique partiellement fermé avec une structure rigide idéologiques dans la phobie constante d'être menacée par l'environnement, l’Iran a consomme’ toutes les énergies morales et matérielles pour faire face à ses présumés ennemis internes et externes au cours des trois dernières décennies.

Depuis le premier président élu de la République islamique, Bani Sadr, à la présente Ahmadinejad en place, presque tous les titulaires d'une charge importante en Iran ont été d'une manière ou d'une autre accusés de s'écarter du chemin de l'Islam et l'Imam, durant ou après avoir quitté le bureau. La liste est trop longue, mais deux importantes figures Moussavi (ancien Premier Ministre) et Karroubi, ancien président du Parlement, sont maintenant parmi les groupes d'opposition en résidence surveillée. Les anciens présidents Rafsandjani et Khatami sont également dans la même liste noire et sont harcelés ici et là de leurs opinions et positions politiques. A l'heure actuelle de nombreux anciens hauts responsables, professeurs, avocats et journalistes sont en prison pour diverses raisons.

On est vraiment déconcerté pourquoi tant de personnalités importantes, dans la norme du régime islamique, ont tourné le dos au régime? Yat-il quelque chose de mal avec la «structure» du système, ou le problème se situe sur l'attitude et la performance des "agents" politiques? En termes politiques, la question peut se limiter à une "agence-structure" dilemme.

Le débat concernant la primauté de la structure ou l'agence en ce qui concerne le comportement humain est une question centrale ontologique dans la sociologie, science politique, et les autres sciences sociales. Dans ce contexte, «l'agence» se réfère à la capacité des individus à agir de façon indépendante et de faire leurs propres choix libre. [1][1] «Structure», par contraste, se réfère à des dispositions récurrentes motifs qui semblent influencer ou de limiter les choix et les opportunités que les individus possèdent. [2][2] Le débat structure-agence peut donc être compris simplement comme la question de la démocratisation versus dictature et de la socialisation contre l'autonomie. [3][3]

Dans le cas de l'Iran actuel, il semble que la structure et l'agence sont en interaction permanente afin de limiter l'influence et l'impact de l'autre. C'est, de la structure, sous rigoureux et rigides principes idéologiques, inhibe la sphère des choix et des actions de l'agence et, réciproquement, l'organisme doit mettre en action toute sa puissance et sa capacité à échapper à des obstacles structurels.

Ce processus ne laisse en effet pas plus de force pour l'agent d'exercer ses devoirs et obligations vis-à-vis du peuple et la nation dans son ensemble. En d'autres termes, l'entropie du système est tellement élevée qu'il devrait consommer tous ses efforts pour simplement survivre dans une situation fragile et dans un environnement hostile.

Ce raisonnement méthodologique peut être vérifié dans les affaires quotidiennes des organismes gouvernementaux à divers niveaux et prouvé dans leurs décisions et leurs actions dans les affaires nationales et internationales.

Le régime islamique a passé beaucoup de soudoyer les grandes puissances comme la Russie et la Chine pour attirer leur soutien sur la question nucléaire. Mais, jusqu'à présent cet effort n'a pas produit de résultats satisfaisants. En effet, le soutien politique des entités comme la Syrie, le Hamas et le Hezbollah au Moyen-Orient, et un certain nombre d’États sud-américains sur la liste de solde iranienne ne peut produire aucun résultat substantiel dans une communauté internationale quasi hostile composé de plus de 200 États souverains.

Dans les affaires intérieures, de nombreux projets lucratifs dans off-shore du pétrole et du gaz, des routes et la construction des barrages, les télécommunications, l'industrie lourde ont été remis aux officiers de haut rang de gardiens de la révolution en vue d'acquérir leur soutien. Toutefois, il n'est pas sûr que ce soit en temps de crise et d'urgence, ils répondent à l'attente de ceux qui comptent sur leur soutien.

Le système politique en Iran souffre d'un malaise structurel qui inhibe ses agents de décisions rationnelles -et pas forcément idéologiques- et agir en conséquence. Il est donc en désaccord constant avec ses éléments et les composants qui rendent le système vulnérable à l'environnement politique hostile dans les affaires intérieures et étrangères. En raison de ce manque de la cohérence, le système a de consommer toute son énergie et la capacité réelle à faire face aux problèmes ainsi créés sur son chemin. Ce processus pousse inévitablement le système vers une impasse autodestructrice qui pourrait compromettre sa survie et la stabilité.

Ce sujet doit être élaboré dans les commentaires à venir. /

[1][1] Barker, Chris. 2005. Cultural Studies: théorie et pratique. Londres: Sage. P448

[2][2] Ibid

[3][3] la sociologie contemporaine a généralement pour but vers une réconciliation de la structure et l'agence en tant que concepts. Anthony Giddens a développé «théorie de la structuration» dans des œuvres telles que La Constitution de la Société (1984). Il présente une tentative développé pour aller au-delà du dualisme de la structure et l'agence et plaide en faveur de la «dualité de structure» - où la structure sociale est à la fois le moyen et le résultat de l'action sociale. Pour Giddens, une des agents d'interaction commune avec la structure, comme un système de normes, est décrit comme «structuration». Le terme «réflexivité» est utilisé pour faire référence à la capacité d'un agent de modifier consciemment sa place dans la structure sociale; ainsi la mondialisation et l'émergence de la «post-traditionnelle» de la société pourrait être déclaré pour permettre la «réflexivité sociale accrue ». Sciences sociales et politiques sont donc importants parce que la connaissance sociale, comme la connaissance de soi, est potentiellement émancipateur. Wikipédia

In the Shadow of a Self-defeating System

2011-06-25T21:16:00.001-07:00

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In the Shadow of a Self-defeating System

Ali Asghar Kazemi

June 2011

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A system is a set of interacting or interdependent elements and components forming an integrated whole. These elements continually influence one another in a direct or indirect manner in order to maintain their activity, stability and survivability (existence), for the purpose of achieving the projected goals of the system.

In order to remain stable, a system must consume a certain amount of energy which is called entropy of the system. Entropy is associated with the amount of order, disorder, and/or chaos in a system. The efficiency of a system relates to the ratio of its input to output. When this ratio is too low or negative, the system is said to be self-defeating.

Systems can be “open” with continuous interaction with their environment, or “closed” without such relations. Closed systems have a tendency to self-deteriorate because they have no means to receive feedbacks from the environment in order to correct their path, structure or behavior.

Political systems have the same characteristics and follow the same set of laws and pattern of behavior. Isolated systems cannot reproduce their values and principles and in the long run tend to go into seclusion from the main international environment. The costs of such isolation are usually too high to afford. Many countries in the past have willfully gone through this experience and have finally decided to enter in the mainstream of global interaction. Cases of China and Japan in the past centuries are good examples.

In the case of Iran, isolation has been imposed on the Islamic regime because of its defying conduct with respect to great powers on many issues including the nuclear project. Indeed, the political system governing in Iran is no exception of the general rule that in the long run isolation will cause serious damages to the nation as a whole. The problem is where the blame should be put for this aggravating situation?

A partially closed political system with a rigid ideological structure in constant phobia of being threatened by the environment, the political system in Iran has been consuming all its moral and material energy to cope with its alleged internal and external enemies during the past three decades.

From the first elected president of the Islamic Republic, Banisadr, to the present incumbent Ahmadinejad, almost all important office-holders in Iran have been one way or another accused of deviating from path of Islam and Imam, during or after leaving the office. The list is too long, but two important figures Moussavi (former Prime Minister) and Karrubi, former Speaker of the Parliament, are now among the opposition groups under house arrest. Former Presidents Rafsanjani and Khatami are also in the same black list and are being harassed here and there for their political views and positions. At present time many high ranking former officials, professors, lawyers and journalists are in jail for various reasons.

One is really baffled why so many important personalities, in the Islamic regime’s standard, have turned their back to the regime? Is there anything wrong with the “structure” of the system, or the problem lies on the attitude and performance of the political “agents?” In political terms, the quandary can be limited to an “agency-structure” dilemma.

The debate concerning the primacy of either structure or agency with regard to human behavior is a central ontological issue in sociology, political science, and the other social sciences. In this context, "agency" refers to the capacity of individuals to act independently and to make their own free choices.[1] "Structure", by contrast, refers to the recurrent patterned arrangements which seem to influence or limit the choices and opportunities that individuals possess.[2] The structure versus agency debate may therefore be understood simply as the issue of democratization versus dictatorship and socialization against autonomy. [3]

In the case of present Iran, it seems that both structure and agency are in permanent interaction to limit the influence and impact of each other. That is, structure, under rigorous and rigid ideological tenets, inhibits the sphere of choices and actions of the agency and reciprocally, the agency must put into action all its power and capacity to evade from the structural impediments.

This process indeed leaves no more strength for the agent to perform his duties and obligation vis-à-vis the people and the nation as a whole. In other words, the entropy of the system is so much high that it should consume all its effort to merely survive in a fragile situation and in a hostile environment.

This methodological reasoning can be verified in the daily business of governmental agencies at various levels and proven in their decisions and actions in domestic and international affairs.

The Islamic regime has been spending very much to bribe great powers such as Russia and China to attract their support on the nuclear issue. But, so far this effort has not produced satisfactory results. Indeed, political support of entities such as Syria, Hamas and Hezbollah in the Middle East, and a number of South American states on the Iranian payroll cannot produce any substantial result in a quasi hostile international community composed of more than 200 sovereign states.

In domestic affairs, many lucrative projects in off-shore oil and gas, roads and dams construction, telecommunication, heavy industry and the likes have been handed over to the Revolutionary Guards’ high ranking officers with a view to acquire their backing. However, it is not quite sure whether in time of crisis and emergency they will respond to the expectation of those who count on their support.

Political system in Iran suffers from a structural malaise that inhibits its agents from making rational -and not forcibly ideological- decisions and acting accordingly. It is therefore in constant discord with its human elements and components making the system vulnerable to the hostile political environment in domestic and foreign affairs. Due to this lack of coherence, the system has to consume all its energy and actual capacity to cope with problems thus created on its way. This process unavoidably pushes the system to a self-defeating dead-end that may compromise its very survival and stability.

This topic needs to be elaborated in future comments. /

[1] Barker, Chris. 2005. Cultural Studies: Theory and Practice. London: Sage. p448

[2] Ibid

[3] Contemporary sociology has generally aimed toward a reconciliation of structure and agency as concepts. Anthony Giddens's developed "Structuration Theory" in such works as The Constitution of Society (1984). He presents a developed attempt to move beyond the dualism of structure and agency and argues for the "duality of structure" - where social structure is both the medium and the outcome of social action. For Giddens, an agents' common interaction with structure, as a system of norms, is described as "structuration". The term "reflexivity" is used to refer to the ability of an agent to consciously alter his or her place in the social structure; thus globalization and the emergence of the 'post-traditional' society might be said to allow for "greater social reflexivity". Social and political sciences are therefore important because social knowledge, as self-knowledge, is potentially emancipator. Wikipedia

Les dimensions ontologiques des droits de l'homme

2011-06-23T07:13:00.000-07:00

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Les dimensions ontologiques des droits de l'homme

Ali Asghar Kazemi *

Téhéran-mai 2011

Contenu

Introduction ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ....

La perspective ontologique ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...

La théorie critique et ontologie juridique ... ... ... ... ...

Concept de «droit» dans la théorie juridique ... ... ... ... ... ..

- Les droits moraux vs juridiques ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...

Réclamation des droits et des droits de la Liberté ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... -

Droits de l'Homme: Dichotomie ontologique ... ... ...

           Indivisibilité-vs catégorisation ... ... ... ... ... ... ....
          - L'universalisme vs Le relativisme ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...

- Acteurs étatiques vs non-étatiques ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ....

Conclusions ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ....

Bibliographie ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ..

Lectures supplémentaires ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...

Introduction

Beaucoup a été écrit pendant la seconde moitié du siècle passé sur les différents aspects de «droits de l'homme», mais les étudiants de droit, la politique et les relations internationales sont moins familiers avec la base ontologique de cette question d'importance vitale. Depuis l'adoption de la Déclaration universelle des Droits de l'Homme (DUDH) en 1948 et les conventions et pactes internationaux ultérieurs [1] , nous avons vu augmenter critiques de divers milieux sur la justification de l'accent mis sur les extraordinaires telles que les droits inaliénables des peuples du monde entier. Certains ont accusé cette tendance comme un intellectualisme injustifiables en particulier dans les pays traditionnellement en arrière.

En fait, la lecture grâce à l'immense littérature sur les droits humains à tort l'impression que ce sujet est une invention de la puissance occidentale qui est actuellement utilisé comme un instrument de pression politique contre les traditionnels et les moins développés sociétés autoritaires.

Les partisans de l'universalité des droits de l'homme estiment que tandis que les cultures séculaires ont institutionnalisé cette affaire comme «important article de foi," [2] , nous assistons à une crise qui se développe dans d'autres parties du monde et surtout depuis ¹¹ Septembre 2001 de la légitimité des droits de l'homme est sérieusement menacée. [3]

Hannah Arendt [4] a dit que «les dimensions ontologiques des droits humains ont été largement ignorées en faveur de la justice» [5] Cet essai tente de regarder le problème en examinant la question d'un point de vue ontologique. L'objectif principal ici n'est pas «droits humains» en soi et les normes conventionnelles régissant son domaine, plutôt, l'objectif est d'étudier les conditions requises préliminaire pour elle; qui est le fondement ontologique qui embrasse les droits inaliénables de l'homme en vertu de sa nature même un «être humain» et pas nécessairement en tant que membre de la société ou le citoyen d'une entité politique appelée l'Etat. [6] Dans le décompte final, la question est de savoir si l'homme mépris de sa race, de foi, le sexe, la croyance et l'appartenance politique ou territoriale, à terme existe totalement pour ou en tant que membre de la société ou qui existe dans un certain sens important pour lui indépendant de l'environnement socio-politique? Une autre question importante est de savoir si le droit de ces droits implique un devoir corrélatif ou il s'agit simplement d'un privilège que de base garanties morales que les gens jouiront dans tous les pays et cultures, simplement parce qu'ils sont des êtres humains. Il sera fait valoir que le problème des droits de l'homme est essentiellement un manque d'application effective dans un système disparates internationale chaotique. Lire le texte complet en pdf

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* - Ali Asghar Kazemi est l'ancien doyen et professeur de droit et relations internationales à la Faculté de Droit et de Science politique -.. Post-Graduate Programme, l'AIU, Direction des sciences et de recherche de Téhéran-Iran Dr Kazemi est diplômé de l'Académie française navale et la United States Naval Post-Graduate School, Monterrey en Californie Il est titulaire d'un doctorat de la Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Medford, Massachusetts aux USA. www.aakazemi.blogspot.com

[1] Les plus connus sont le Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques et le Pacte international relatif aux droits économiques, sociaux et culturels.

[2] L'historien canadien Michael Ignatieff, Voir: Ignatieff, M. (1999), dont les valeurs universelles? La crise des droits humains de La Haye:. Essai Erasmianum Praemium.

[3] Rob Buitenweg, droits de l'homme et le paradoxe de l'humanisme 11 mai 2003

[4] Hannah Arendt (1906-1975) était un influent théoricien allemand politique américaine.

[5] Voir: Sarena Parekh, Hanna Arrendt et le défi de la modernité, une phénoménologie des droits de l'homme. Routledg, 2008.

[6] J'ai emprunté cette approche de Raymond Dennehy, le fondement ontologique des droits de l'homme de l'Université de San Francisco, San Francisco, en Californie.

* Ali Asghar Kazemi est professeur de droit et relations internationales à Téhéran-Iran. Etudiants, chercheurs, institutions académiques, des médias ou toute partie intéressée dans l'utilisation de tout ou partie de cet article sont invités à le faire avec la condition de donner pleine d'attribution à l'auteur, chercheur-Journal et le Moyen-Orient Forum académique. © Tous droits réservés copie.

The Ontological Dimensions of Human Rights

2011-06-22T02:38:00.000-07:00

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The Ontological Dimensions of Human Rights

Ali Asghar Kazemi*

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Introduction

Much has been written during the second half of the past century about various aspects of “Human Rights,” but students of law, politics and international relations are less acquainted with the ontological basis of this vitally important issue. Since the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 1948 and the subsequent international conventions and covenants[1], we saw increasing criticisms from various circles on the rationale of such extraordinary emphasis on the inalienable rights of people around the world. Some have accused this trend as an unjustifiable intellectualism especially in traditionally backward countries.

In fact, reading through the immense literature on human rights conveys the false impression that this topic is an invention of Western power which is now being used as an instrument of political pressure against traditional and less developed authoritarian societies.

Proponents of universality of human rights believe that while secular cultures have institutionalized this matter as “major article of faith,”[2] we are witnessing a developing crisis in other parts of the world and especially since September 11^th 2001 the legitimacy of human rights is under serious threat. [3]

Hannah Arendt[4] once said that “the ontological dimensions of human rights have been largely ignored in favor of the judicial”[5] This essay attempts to look at the issue by examining the matter from an ontological point of view. The main focus here is not “human rights” per se and the conventional norms governing its realm, rather, the aim is to investigate the preliminary requisites to it; that is the ontological basis that embraces man’s inalienable rights by virtue of his very nature as a “human being” and not necessarily as a member of society or the citizen of a political entity called state. [6] In the final account, the question is whether man-disregard of his race, faith, gender, creed and political or territorial affiliation- ultimately exists totally for or as a member of society or exists in some significant sense for himself independent of the socio-political environment? Another important question is whether the entitlement of such rights entails a correlative duty or it is merely a privilege as basic moral guarantees that people shall enjoy in all countries and cultures simply because they are human beings. It will be argued that the problem of human rights is essentially lack of effective enforcement in a disparate chaotic international system. Read full text in pdf

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*‎- Ali Asghar Kazemi is Former Dean and currently Professor of Law and ‎International Relations at the ‎‎Faculty of Law and Political Science - Post-Graduate ‎Program, IAU, Science and Research ‎Branch. ‎‎Tehran- Iran.‎ Dr. Kazemi is a graduate of the French Naval Academy and The United States Naval Post-‎Graduate School, Monterrey Calif. He holds PhD from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, ‎Medford, Mass. USA.‎ www.aakazemi.blogspot.com

[1] The best-known are the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.

[2] Canadian historian Michael Ignatieff, See: Ignatieff, M. (1999), Whose universal values? The crisis in human rights. The Hague: Praemium Erasmianum Essay.

[3] Rob Buitenweg, Human Rights and the Paradox of Humanism 11 May, 2003

[4] Hannah Arendt (1906 – 1975) was an influential German American political theorist.

[5] See: Sarena Parekh, Hanna Arrendt and the Challenge of Modernity, A Phenomenology of Human Rights. Routledg, 2008.

[6]I have borrowed this approach from Raymond Dennehy, The Ontological basis of Human Rights University of San Francisco ,San Francisco, California.

Power Struggle in Iran

2011-05-14T02:19:00.000-07:00

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Politics of Witchcraft and Power Struggle in Iran

A. A. Kazemi

May 12, 2011

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باش تا صبح دولت ات بد مد کاین هنوز از نتایج سحر است

Wait till the majestic glow of the morning light

This is yet the results of the early dawn bright

Introduction

It took more than six long years for the Islamic regime to realize that the man, who was led to occupy the office of the “president” in Iran, was in fact an empty magic box, making too much noise while connected with a dubious entourage of a witchcraft circle. Indeed, this looks not much bizarre for a pompous figure who has led the nation to the brink of another war with his controversial claims and behavior. Perhaps he is relying on the magic power of his allies for the management of the world,. The danger lies on his consistent pretension of being a true Muslim believer having unusual connection with the Almighty “Allah” and his apostles namely the hidden 12^th Imam of the Shiites.

Just very recently a number of Iranian President’s advisers were arrested and jailed for practicing witchcraft. They have been charged with sorcery in an attempt to influence and challenge the power of the supreme Leader in favor of their chief mentor. This has been construed as part of power struggle before the upcoming parliamentary elections in Iran’s political arena.

How far the practice of witchcraft during the past several years (i.e. during Mr. Ahmadinejad tenure in office) has influenced government’s decisions decision making process? What is the extent of damages caused to the nation as a whole and the Islamic regime in particular as a result of this astonishing practice? What is the fate of the incumbent president after the revelation of the witchcraft scandal?

This short paper shall attempt to shed some light on the subject and evaluate the objectives and consequences of witchcraft practice by the president’s entourage and his reliance upon supernatural phenomenon for the attainment of his long-range political goals.

Read More
pdf File

* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts ‎of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the ‎Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.‎

Metaphysics of Violence and Terror

2011-04-26T08:06:00.000-07:00

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[First Draft]

Metaphysics of Violence and Terror

Ali Asghar Kazemi[1]

April 2011

__________________________

Introduction

Just very recently, amidst the fateful crisis in Libya, the embattled Libyan dictator Qaddafi warned the NATO forces that soon he will mobilize an army of invisible “Jinns”[2] to confront the infidel intruders to a Muslim land. It is not known what the reaction of NATO commanders in the field was, but eventually Qaddafi was quite serious about his metaphysical assertion when he ordered his forces to slaughter opposition groups.

Throughout the history of mankind, political rulers joint with spiritual leaders have used and abused the supernatural beliefs and metaphysical forces in order to establish their power and solidify their grip over the minds and bodies of people. Religious wars of the past, inquisition trials, torture, prison and other cruel punishments are considered as clear manifestations of the influence of the outer-world in the daily life of people.

Terror and violence are terms that have existed all along with the development human society from primitive times to the present. In prehistoric era to the advent of men’s primeval civilization, violence was part of daily life in the “state of nature” which was a product of pure human instinct for survival. Gradually, before reason became as the ground foundation for “civil society”, religion and metaphysics dominated the realm of knowledge of the world and its various sophisticated phenomenon. Thenceforth, violence became inseparable parts of religious rituals that still today are being observed as a sacred duty in some religions.[3]

What are the principal causes of these acts of terror and violence that seem to be inseparable part of human societies? The main argument in this paper is that violence, terror and atrocities such as September 11 events, suicide attacks and other mass killings, executions and the likes, should be explained and understood only within the purview of “metaphysical paradigm” and not necessarily through conventional rational approaches. ...Read More

See pdf file

[1] Ali Asghar Kazemi is Former Dean and currently Professor of Law and ‎International Relations at the ‎‎Faculty of Law and Political Science - Post-Graduate ‎Program, IAU, Science and Research ‎Branch. ‎‎Tehran- Iran.‎ Dr. Kazemi is a graduate of the French Naval Academy and The United States Naval Post-‎Graduate School, Monterrey Calif. He holds PhD from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, ‎Medford, Mass. USA.‎

[2] In the Islamic tradition, Jinn is a spirit that can take on various human and animal forms and makes mischievous use of its supernatural powers. Jinns are mentioned in the Quran like a zillion times. They even have a surah to themselves. (Suratul Jinn). They use to reveal to the Prophet Muhammad in times he needed help against his enemies. Sometimes, they even carry him to their world to teach whole clan of them.

[3] Scarifying various animals (instead of human beings in the past) during religious rituals and manifestations can be indeed considered a form of systematic violence still practiced in certain societies.

* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts ‎of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and the ‎Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.‎

“Is this Me this Glorious Peacock?”

2011-04-14T23:27:00.000-07:00

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“Is this Me this Glorious Peacock?”

( Pondering on Iran's Economic Reform)

A. A. Kazemi

_____________

این منم طاووس علیین شده زیر بالم این جهان رنگین شده؟

When Mr. Ahmadinejad’s old car was auctioned for more than two million dollars and later his jacket was sold for over $50’000 in an strange public sale for charitable purposes, some critiques observed that he would better sell his socks and underwear for the sake of saving his economic reform plan!

Indeed, Ahmadinejad is a clever but naïve man who lives with his raw illusions and ideals rooted in his limited world view. Nonetheless, he is a peculiar phenomenon who happens to occupy a high position that entails the fate of a nation in the long history of this land of marvel called Iran! His recurrent eccentric and pompous claims to take in hand the management of the world stems from an inner drive for self-importance that should be excavated through his past. His way of running the business of the country is a reflection of this malaise.

As I said elsewhere in my previous comments, “the implementation of the economic reform plans needs a number of prerequisites without which chances for its failure are very high.” It is necessary and important to reiterate here what I summarized about those preconditions in the in that article:

“ A favorable domestic environment paving the way for people bearing eventual economic hardship created due to inflation and price adjustments after the abolition of subsidies on energy and consumers goods;
People confidence on the capacity, honesty and competence of the government. This factor has been under serious strains, especially after the alleged fraud and unconvinced presidential elections of 2009;
A favorable international environment which facilitates foreign investments and transfer of technology. This dimension is seriously damaged due to the nuclear crisis which has deprived Iran from all transactions with the rest of the world through the adoption of four UN Security Council resolutions devising economic sanctions against Iran;
A realistic understanding of the world’s rules of the game and a rational decision about friends and foes with a view to promote national interests in all circumstances and making Iran less vulnerable to outside threats;
Transparency and truthfulness on all aspects regarding economic reform and sincere cooperation with the parliament with respect to the gradual implementation of the plan.”

While the initial steps of the reform plan package is underway, recent bills for gas and electricity shocked people dreadfully and protests against government are spreading around the country. People are only wondering how they could survive the galloping inflation that is being injected to the society.

On the other side, officials are announcing that monetary reform is underway and soon we will be witnessing four zeros being removed from national currency. This means another terrible psychological shock to the besieged people. In fact, it seems that somebody in the government (perhaps the glorious peacock) is prescribing “shock-therapy” for curing economic malaise in the country.

As I mentioned earlier, the accomplishment of an unprecedented national plan for structural changes encompass strategic, social, cultural, political, psychological and human factors as well. Handling the above requisites at present Iran seems rather difficult. Since, in this circumstance, people seem not prepared to sacrifice their short and long-run interests in situations that require devotion, dedication and support for those who have no true sympathy for them and their causes.

Rising gold price in recent days is a good indication of people’s fear of diminishing their purchasing power on a daily basis, which makes them to rush to the gold market to exchange their assets to this precious metal and other robust foreign currencies.

People have learned by experience during the past years that they should not rely much on government officials whose promises, actions and intentions are not always genuine. This stems from lack of transparency and accountability which in turn gives way to rumors and negative information propagated by opposition groups inside and outside the country.

As an odd remedy to this negative development, just recently police forces have staged a coordinated raid to private ‎residences in various quarters in Tehran and other cities for destroying satellite dishes and ‎confiscating related equipment on the rooftops. This is pursuant to a rather old law, almost ‎dormant for several years, forbidding such utensils for households’ uses. This ‎means that people should only watch and listen to official broadcast which are merely ‎tasked to publicizing the outstanding achievements of the sanctified government. ‎

Meanwhile, according to the World Bank predictions, Iran will experience a zero ‎percent economic growth rate in 2011; this actually means a negative growth for the ‎current year if population increase is subtracted from the equation.‎

In order to move toward achieving the reform plan in its all aspects, the “charming peacock” should open his wide eyes on the realities of domestic affairs as well as of what is going on in the tumultuous region around our country. The government as a whole has to convince people of its good intention and its capacity to cope with adverse impact of economic reform on people’s daily life.

Attracting people’s confidence and avoiding tension with neighbors and the rest of the world is a must for the achievement of economic reform plan that is key factor for peace and stability, development of the country and well-being of the people./

Iran Should Avoid Tension in the Persian Gulf

2011-04-13T06:39:00.000-07:00

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Iran Should Avoid Tension in the Persian Gulf

Ali Asghar Kazemi

April 13, 2011

_____________________________

Tension is the last thing we need in the Persian Gulf. While the whole Middle East and Northern Africa is engulfed in a critical crisis situation and almost all states are alarmed for their very survival, the Islamic regime in Iran should avoid entering into verbal disputes with its neighbors that could be escalated to a real conflict.

Recent exchanges of acrimonious statements between mid-level officials in Iran, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait and others are ominous signs of rising hostilities in the region. Perhaps Iranians do not really mean to aggravate the situation by their harsh responses to unfriendly words coming from the Persian Gulf states. But, these latter, fearing Iran’s intentions seem to take these threats seriously. Such misapprehension could lead to an unwanted conflict which eventually will usher the doors for non-regional powers to enter in the quarrel.

There is no doubt that for many reasons Western powers will take such occurrence as a good opportunity to straighten their perennial grudge with the Islamic regime once for all. Indeed, as I mentioned elsewhere , the case of Libyan military intervention under the UN Security Council Resolution is a bad sign for this eventuality.

Whether we like it or not, in the eyes of many states in the world, Iran has become a source of threat to the peace and stability in the region and the international community has a duty to contain its ambitions at all costs. Thus far, the Security Council has issued four important resolutions under Chapter VII of the UN Charter devising harsh sanctions against Iran’s nuclear endeavor without much success. Iranian defiance is like a contemptible slap to the face of the United Nations which could have grave consequences.

The heightening of tension between Iran and the Persian Gulf states, if not contained vigilantly, could give a good and legitimate pretext to foreign powers, especially the United States, to seize the opportunity to bring a defiant state to its knees. This could lead to the destruction of important strategic and economic assets of Iran with huge human and material losses.

We hope that high decision makers in Iran avoid escalating the tensions with our neighbors and refrain intermingling in the internal affairs of other states which could create grave consequences at this particular juncture for the fate of the Islamic regime and the future of Iranian people. /

The Wider Implications of Military Intervention in Libya

2011-04-05T22:24:00.000-07:00

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The Wider Implications of Military Intervention in Libya

Ali Asghar Kazemi

‎April 6, 2011‎

‎ ________________________

‎

‎ While fighting is still continuing in Libya and the ill-fated Qaddafi is trapped ‎in his own insane decisions to remain in power, the outcome of the military ‎intervention is more or less clear; total destruction and defeat. Indeed, this is the ‎end of an era in Libya and the oppressive rule of a madman who for more than ‎forty long years ridiculed the whole world by his contemptible behavior. ‎Unfortunately, the international community closed eyes on the follies of this ‎lunatic man sitting on a huge reserve of oil in North Africa. Neither the United ‎Nations nor other humanitarian institutions took seriously all the misdeed of ‎this dictator during this long period. ‎

Perhaps, among all the self-claimed rulers in the Arab world, Qaddafi was the most notorious. Since, while completely losing touch with realities, he claimed to be the most open popular leader who should be followed as a model and praised in the whole world. From time to time, , he took conciliatory actions such as paying huge compensation for the Lockerbie plane crash affair and the dismantling of the nuclear project venture, out of extreme necessity for survival. But, he never gave up his ill-wishes in the back of his insane mind.

With the outbreak of crisis in Tunisia, Qaddafi observed that Ben Ali should remain in power despite mass protests against him. Eventually, he never dreamed of having a destiny worst than his counterpart in Tunisia. At least Ben Ali had the guts of giving up the power and leaving the country before huge human and material losses. What Qaddafi has left so far is a devastated country and thousands of victims. At least the next generation in Libya should pay the costs of this sufferance.

Our main purpose here was not to delve into the fate of Libya but rather the wider ramifications of military intervention in the region with explicit UN permission. There is no doubt that the bold and relatively quick action of the UN Security Council in the Libyan case will set an important legal and political precedent on the records of the United Nations for deciding to form a military coalition against a brutal dictators who wants to remain in power against the will of the people through force. Similar rulers in the region should take this example seriously and do in a way not to fall in the same trap as the Libyan leader did.

We shall continue on this topic in our future comments. /

* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts ‎of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and ‎The Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.‎

UN Security Council has the Duty to Liberate Libya

2011-02-25T05:27:00.001-08:00

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UN Security Council has the Duty to Liberate Libya

Ali Asghar Kazemi

February 25, 2011

_____________________

The Libyan crisis has come to a critical point that without an immediate all-out intervention from the international community the situation will end up to a human tragedy and disaster. The Libyan dictator has so far refused to submit to the demands of the people and appeals of the international community. He has used every means at its disposal to annihilate the protesters around the country. There is indeed a real case of genocide going on in Libya and something has to be done immediately to halt the horrible situation in oppressed country.

The legitimate organ of the United Nations to intervene in such situation is indeed the Security Council that under Article 39 of Chapter VII of the UN Charter is duty bound to recognize that in fact the crisis has endangered international peace and order and decides for appropriate actions to terminate the horrible condition. In such case, the members of the Council shall decide on some temporary measures and the enactment of relevant provisions of the Charter including Article 42 allowing military intervention.

Unfortunately, the Security Council has proven to be very slow or inactive in similar cases ‎in the past and this has left many defenseless people under dictatorial oppressions around the world. ‎There is no doubt that, from a legal point, states’ sovereignty is still dominant determinant in international law and the world community so far lacks the appropriate quick and efficient mechanism to face similar crisis situations.

This lacuna should be remedied in due time. But, for the moment an urgent action is needed by the Arab League along with the United Nations. The Security Council shall convene promptly and adopt a Resolution on the matter. This resolution has all the chances to be supported by all permanent and non-permanent members of the Security Council. The modalities of the military intervention under UN flag should be decided according to relevant articles of Chapter VII of the UN Charter.

At this critical point of time, there is no more room for hesitation, deliberations, and political expediency and the whole international community should facilitate proper execution of the Security Council Resolution. Those who are still perplex on the immediate action to liberate Libya shall stay away from the case and do not hamper this urgent humanitarian mission, otherwise, they will encourage more bloodshed and genocide in this horrible crisis.

We shall continue watching the Libyan situation and will write further comments on the case if necessary. /

* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts ‎of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and ‎Strategic Discourse. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.‎

The Birth of a New Middle East

2011-02-23T23:20:00.001-08:00

The Birth of a New Middle East

Ali Asghar Kazemi

February 24, 2011

________________________

The year 2011 will be remembered as an important landmark in contemporary history of mankind and in particular the Middle East and the Arab world. Indeed, we are currently witnessing history in the making and parts of it are still in the process of achievement. Just like in childbirth, most often the process is accompanied by intense and sometimes prolonged pain.

The throbbing level depends on factors such as physical, psychological and pathological conditions of the person (society) involved. This means that people with prior experience of revolts and revolutions may more easily run through the change and accept its consequences. While, in societies with traditional authoritarian rules, low level of development, education, natural resources, may endure more pain in the process. In some cases, the society involved may fall into a “post-traumatic stress disorder”[1] which can be interpreted as civil wars, and other symptoms associated with internal crises etc.

What happened in North Africa and the Middle East during the past two months, may symbolize the kinds of change that are initiated through an unanticipated marriage of people’s and new international media, which together gives birth to self-consciousness and revolt against rulers and dictators no longer attuned with the necessities of our times.[2]

Tunisia which first set example in the series of revolution and swiftly overthrown the incumbent regime, had a relatively modest experience of democracy but in the long run became under an authoritarian corrupt rule that was no longer accountable to the people. Egyptians had a bit more difficulty in bringing down Mubarak who resisted to the last point but finally he was forced to step down. Unlike Ben Ali who quickly left the country, Mubarak preferred to stay in the country. Eventually, he knew that if he quits Egypt, people will demand his trial, as they did in the case of Ben Ali.

In other places in the Middle East, situation has varied depending on the factors cited above. In Yemen and Bahrain, while the governments have given some concessions to protestors in order to curb at least momentarily the uprising, in Libya the so-called “Mad Man” (Gaddafi) has so far resisted giving up the power and has even used war plane to bombard and deter the unprotected people.

This means that the suffering associated with the birth of the new child is too high to bear, unless a quick surgical operation, eventually with the help of foreign intervention, is taken place. In such case, possibly the whole world will be affected by the event.

The New Middle East will undoubtedly be different from the past. But eventually, the apprehension of some pessimists who fear that it will fall in the hands of Islamic fundamentalists is unfounded. However, democratic peace-loving states should not take this for granted and ought to do everything possible to avoid that opportunist lefts or rights take advantage of the situation.

If things are left at the will and initiative of the enlightened people of the region, without prejudice and grudge, the birth of the “New Middle East” will be a happy event that would pave the way for democracy, prosperity, peace and harmony in the world. /

[1] I have borrowed this term from regular childbirth literature.

[2] See my article on “ The Power of People Plus Media” Middle East Academic Forum

The Power of People plus Media

2011-02-13T00:03:00.000-08:00

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The Power of People plus Media

Ali Asghar Kazemi

February 13, 2011

____________

In the age of mass media people alone cannot do much to change the course of history, as they did in Egypt and Tunisia. In fact, these two phenomena have synergetic effect upon each other. This means that they have become in a sense corollary and complementary. In other words, one without the other is unable to influence public opinion in domestic and international arena.

We had witnessed this power before, during many undesired natural or man-made conflicts and disasters throughout the world. Social and political crises are especially very susceptible to this impact in particular when there are some strategic interests involved in the affected region. Indeed, Egypt was a case of this sort par excellence.

We have seen that during the two or three weeks that ended with the downfall of Mubarak regime, almost all important world television networks had a permanent 24 hours direct coverage from the center of this crisis (Al Tahrir Square). Without this, perhaps the Egyptians would not have continued their protests for that long and Mubarak, who resisted to the last minutes, would have come safe out of the turmoil.

Many affected governments, including Egyptian authorities, have accused international media (Al Jazeera in particular) as irresponsible instigators and agitators of the crisis. But, they fail to understand one important characteristic of today’s media, including satellite TV, internet, Facebook and Twitter. The very nature of these sophisticated tools is to prepare ground for quick and easy communication between people disregard of their substance and final impacts. We remember the role BBC played during the Iranian Revolution in 1979. The same network was later accused of playing villain in the Iran’s post-election uproar in 2009 that was short of bringing down the Islamic regime.

The reason media has gained that huge importance in internal crises situations is very simple. When unarmed, defenseless and unprotected people want to express their wishes and demands to an authoritarian regime, which has all the naked power to deter them, only the power of world public opinion can come to their help. This is possible only through media that can transfer instantly an event to the world. No matter how much a closed political system tries to stay aloof of the impact of the pressure exerted by the international environment, in the final account it will surrender to the consequences. /

* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts ‎of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and ‎Strategic Discourse. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.‎

Quantum Politics: New Methodological Perspective

2011-02-12T19:12:00.000-08:00

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Quantum Politics

New Methodological Perspective

Ali Asghar Kazemi

Tehran- February 2011‎

Introduction

Recent events and escalating crises at the start of the year 2011 throughout the Arab states of the Middle East and ‎North Africa, from Tunisia and Egypt, Libya to Yemen, have truly shocked observers, ‎researchers and ‎specialists who missed the symptoms of these fundamental shifts. ‎It appears that ‎traditional and existing theories have not been ‎able to predict the ‎development of ‎unexpected changes in the region. This paper ‎is an attempt to ‎explain the matter through new methodological approach built on ‎chaos and ‎quantum theories.‎ ‎

If you are among those students of politics and international relations who are fed-up ‎‎‎with enormous numbers of theories, methods and paradigms in these fields, try to ‎‎‎understand this last one exposed in the present short essay. It may help you to view ‎‎and discuss political phenomenon in a different new way. Of course, the novelty of ‎‎this approach may make its comprehension a little bit difficult. Therefore, I don’t ‎‎guarantee that ‎you will swiftly grasp the subject and make a research case of it. It is ‎‎suggested that the interested reader go through the whole text and references with ‎‎attention and repeat the process if necessary[1].‎ ......

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‎ [1] ‎ ‎This paper is a follow-up of a previous essay by the author on “Dynamic versus Static Political ‎Inquiry” ‎‎which was written last January 2011. It is suggested that the two papers be read together ‎for better ‎‎understanding the subject.‎ See: Academia www.academia1.blogspot.com ‎

* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts ‎of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and ‎Strategic Discourse. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.‎

Dynamic versus Static Political Inquiry

2011-01-26T21:48:00.000-08:00

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(First draft please do not quote)

Dynamic versus Static Political Inquiry

Ali Asghar Kazemi

January 2011

______________________

Introduction

From a methodological perspective, political science borrows diverse methods and approaches applied in social science research. Amongst these positivism, behavioral, structuralism, realism, institutionalism, rational choice theory, pluralism, interpretivism and critical theory are most familiar for students of the field. Post-modern movement and thinking have influenced these approaches considerably and have changed both the form and substance of political inquiries. Constructivism, hermeneutics, discourse analysis etc are the outgrowth of this wave.

Demand for relevance and functionality has also introduced many new qualitative and quantitative aspects and tools in this field. Statistical analysis, model building, simulation and case studies are among the very interesting and useful methods that have come to the assistance of political analysts and researchers.

The main purpose of this paper is to focus on new approaches and to show that whatever method researchers in political science and international relations choose for their inquiries they should be oriented towards dynamic rather than static conditions. In other words, in order to enhance the reliability of researches and applicability of their findings and outcome, we have to examine situations, conditions and alternative decisions in their process of changing occurrence and formation.

What do we mean by a static versus dynamic research? What are the attributes and benefits of this approach in political inquiries and decision making process?

Dynamic Research Technique

According to August Comte[1], social dynamics studies the laws of succession, ‎while social statics seeks those of coexistence. In other words, the former furnishes ‎the theory of progress, the latter of order. All ‎considerations of structure and function are static. That is to say, quantitative change is static. In dynamic phenomena the change is ‎qualitative. Thus, social static focuses on how to maintain order in society and social dynamic focuses on how society changes over time.

In an article in American Journal of Sociology the distinction between the notions ‎‎"static" and "dynamic" is considered “logical, ‎methodological and pedagogical.” [2]‎ ‎ In ‎other words, they are primarily and ‎chiefly subjective rather than objective. “They are ‎categories imposed ‎upon the object by the mind which attempts to represent the ‎object. They are aspects of the object, not ‎independently existing objects. They are ‎machinery for handling in ‎details the things to be understood in their totality.”‎ [3]‎ ‎

For our purpose, a static research is alike a still picture showing the apparent characteristic of a situation or incident from a certain angle, in a determined time and a defined context. A dynamic study or inquiry tries to examine a case in the process of its development through time and space as a motion picture.

For example, when we refer to a geo-strategic region such as the Persian Gulf, one may list a number of factors, variables, parameters and determinants that portray and explain the attributes of an important area for global security and order. But, only when these factors and variables are put into motion we can realize the true meaning of security. In other words, since security means differently to each actor, we ought to know about its conduct in different conditions and circumstances and find out the threshold of its rationality, actions and reactions in crises or emergency situations.

This requires dynamic examination of various eventualities and conditions that my occur in a vital geostrategic region and the relevant decision alternatives for each scenario. These scenarios range from the “best optimistic” to the “worst case” each of which needs a separate analysis in a dynamic situation.

We may refer to general system theory[4] in order to explain how observable events or phenomenon can be studied in a constant dynamic interaction as parts of a larger system which by definition has a continuous tendency for stability. This can be applied to all branches of science, including natural, social and political studies.

As an aspect of systems theory, system dynamics[5] is a method for understanding the dynamic behavior of complex systems. The basis of the method is the recognition that the structure of any system is often just as important in determining its behavior as the individual components themselves. Examples are “chaos” theory and “social dynamics.” In some cases the behavior of the whole cannot be explained in terms of the behavior of the parts. This explains the integration of tools, like language, as a more sparing process in the human application of easiest path adaptability through interconnected systems.[6]

Dynamic Programming and Game Theory

In the management field and operational research we use dynamic programming by mathematical techniques when we face a series of interrelated problems that require “sequential decisions”[7] and solutions. “Dynamic programming is an approach involving the optimization of multistage decision processes.” [8] The optimality principle here means that a given problem or situation is divided into stages of “sub-problems” which have to be solved sequentially and then aggregated to a final optimal policy after a thorough examination and cost-benefit analysis.

In international relations, when there are a number of actors with different interests and strategies competing or conflicting with other, we use “game theory” in order to reach an acceptable solution to all. For this purpose, we try to optimize each actor’s gain and loss in putting into motion their various courses of action by solving a numerical problem set-up in a matrix.[9]

In game theory, while there is always a conflict of interests between participant actors, rationality in decision options is the foundation of the game. In other words, if there is to be a solution, the outcome of game should be derived from a rational choice of each player who tries to maximize his gains and minimize his losses. In this approach, depending on the types of the games (zero-sum or non-zero-sum) the optimum strategy is the one that satisfies all participants. Otherwise, the game would either go to stalemate or has to be continued until the time it has a satisfactory solution.[10]

This process can apply to strategic regions with multiple actors seeking contradictory objectives. It allows to each independent player to divide a major security problem into a number of manageable sub-problems and arrange them according to their strategic values and find suitable solutions for each.

Dynamic Crisis Decision

There are other studies in the field of crisis decisions that distinguish between dynamic and static approaches. One such study is published in American Political Science Review.[11] This article argues that heuristic-based cognitive models [or dynamic approach based on trial and error rather than set of rules] on the one hand, and holistic rational theories [based on static set of rules], on the other, have always created debates regarding ‎decision making or choice which is at the crux of social science research.

According to the study, some scholars argue that decision makers use ‎maximizing holistic strategies, based upon a particular predetermined static rule. Others claim that for volatile crisis situation with high perceived risks and threats, non-holistic (or dynamic) approach should be employed.‎ Since, in the process of handling a crisis situation there is always a probability that the course of events changes direction and magnitude. Thus, a static predetermined set of rules may prove irrelevant to the new condition.

Relying on past studies that typically examine "static" situations, may end up to erroneous outcomes; especially when “policy alternatives and ‎decision criteria are simultaneously introduced into the decision matrix.”[12] However, foreign policy crises ‎are very often characterized by a different decision structure: an evolving choice set in which ‎policy options emerge during the process.‎ In other words, a dynamic approach to the decision leads to the cross-examination of each alternative in the course of the development of a crisis situation.

Dynamic Political Ideology

Some analysts have tried to study the functional and practical aspects of ideology and culture in the field of political science. They distinguished between dynamic and static character of these two major components in political realm. In their static conditions, political ideologies and political cultures are simply two variables to be considered in political inquiries. But, when they are put into motion they can produce significant results for the society. Since, they ‎shape the way a nation thinks and, accordingly, acts. It is generally believed that “Political Ideology is dynamic and ‎political culture is static.”[13]

Political ideology relates to a certain set of ideals or principles dealing with a nation, or even a group, ‎that explains how society should work.[14] A political ideology largely concerns itself with how to ‎allocate power and to what ends it should be used. It is often seen as the background of a ‎political party and their policy. On the other hand, political culture, in simple terms, is what most citizens expect ‎from their government.[15]

Political culture is usually determined by the government, which is why it is ‎considered static; however, political ideology is dynamic because it is usually determined by the ‎people.‎[16] In some instances however, the reverse of this proposition may prove true. This may be the case where the state ideology runs against the will of the people and their traditional culture. In this example political ideology promoted by the government becomes static or even retroactive and culture plays a dynamic role in shaping a nation identity and political configuration.

The functional benefit of this distinction lies in the overall influence of these two determinants on state behavior in political realm and people consciousness with respect to their national identity. Most social and political conflicts between people and the ruling system stem from this dichotomy.

Conclusion

Political science is essentially the study of man in isolation and in collectivity. Governments and institutions are just parts of human activities that facilitate orderly interactions in the social environment. To inquire into and understand man’s behavior in their political milieu we have multiple methods, tools and approaches. No unique technique or approach can logically claim to perform this whole task.[17]

A pioneer of modern political science, describing this difficulty, once said "We are limited by the impossibility of experiment. Politics is an observational, not an experimental science."[18] Thus, political scientists have historically focused on political elites, institutions, and individual or group and observed their behavior in order to identify patterns, draw generalizations in order to build theories and models for better explaining the political environment. However, after many centuries of political inquiries we are still far from being able to declare success in our endeavor. There are many reasons to support this argument. Permanent quarrels, conflicts, crises and wars among peoples and nations are good indications for this contention.

In spite of all the difficulties and complexities involved in this field, contemporary political science has developed to a great extent by adopting a variety of methods and theoretical approaches for better explaining and understanding politics. Our purpose in this short paper was to shed light on the dynamic aspect of political inquiry and methodology which in practice provides better ground for devising a policy decision rather than an abstract idea.[19]/

Notes

* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and International Relations at IAU, Science and Research Branch. Faculty of Law and Political Science. Tehran- Iran.

[1] French thinker and philosopher 1798- 1857 founder of sociology and positivism.

[2] Albion W. Small. "Static and Dynamic Sociology." American Journal of Sociology, 1 ‎‎(1895): 195-209.‎This article is a critical review of Lester F. Ward American sociologist 1841-1913.

[3] Ibid

[4] Bertalanffy, Ludwig Von. Perspectives on General System Theory Edited by Edgar Taschdjian. George Braziller, New York. (1974).

[5] System Dynamics was founded in the late 1950s by Jay W. Forrester of the MIT Sloan School of Management.

[6] This passage is taken from : “Systems theory ,” Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

[7] See e.g. C R Kothari, An Introduction to Operational Research, New Delhi, Wikas Publishing House Pvt Ltd. 1983. pp. 116-120. See also: Richard E. Bellman, Dynamic Programming, p.83

[8] Ibid

[9] See Ali Asghar Kazemi, Politimetrics: Quantitative Methods in Politics and International Relations, Tehran: IPIS. 1995. In Persian ‎

[10] I have deliberately simplified the subject of “game theory” here in order to make my point with respect to the dynamic approach to research technique. For further reading see relevant materials on the subject.

[11] Mintz, Alex; Geva, Nehemia; Redd, Steven B.; Carnes, “ The effect of dynamic and static choice sets on political decision making: an analysis ‎using the decision board platform.‎ American Political Science Review ,‎ September 1, 1997‎.

‎

[12] Idem

[13] Political Ideology and Political Culture Uploaded by Nivizzle (54) on May 16, 2007.

This material is published under license from the publisher through the Gale Group, Farmington ‎Hills, Michigan. ‎ ‎

[14] Ibid

[15] Idem

[16] In some places where the political ideology is dominant and determined by the government, it could become static; and conversely, political culture becomes dynamic.

[17] See e.g. Ali Asghar Kazemi, Method and Insight in Politics, (A Philosophical, Scientific and Methodological Approach) , Tehran: Institute for Political and International Studies(IPIS), 1995. In Persian ‎

See also: Ali Asghar Kazemi, The Seven Pillars of Politics, Tehran: Islamcpo Publishing Co. 2000. In Persian

[18] Lowell, A. Lawrence. 1910. "The Physiology of Politics." American Political Science Review 4: 1-15. Former American Political Science Association President.‎

[19] In the course of writing this paper I have consulted many useful political science handbooks and internet sources, including Wikipedia, for which I have not necessarily given reference. The clever reader can understand the reasons for this deliberate omission that could otherwise need many pages.

* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and -International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts ‎of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and ‎Strategic Discourse. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.‎

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