Symposium on International Law Method

Symposium on International Law Method
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Students of International Law and International Relations who are taking a course on " International Law Metodology" are invited to download this document which is taken from the American Journal of International Law.

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Political Methodology

Political Methodology
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This page cintains the following Documents and materials gathered for PhD students in Political Science who are taking the course Political Methodology.

‎-‎ Comparative Political Analysis pdf
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Methodology of International Law

Methodology of International Law

( Documents & Materials)

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روش شناسی حقوق بین الملل

(دایره المعارف حقوق بین الملل)

کریستین      دومینیکه

تحقیق برای درس اصول حقوقی ناظر بر روابط بین الملل

استاد علی اصغر کاظمی

مترجم: مرتضی محمدزاده

(دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین الملل)

روش شناسى حقوق بین‏الملل ( در دایره المعارف حقوق بین الملل)

           

             مقاله حاضر ترجمه قسمتی از دایره المعارف حقوق بین الملل تحت عنوان «روش شناسی حقوق بین الملل» می باشد که «کریستین دامینیکه» آنرا نوشته و سعی کرده که روش های شناخت علمی حقوق بین الملل را نشان دهد. وی این روشها را در یک تقسیم بندی کلی به لحاظ هدف و موضوع شناخت، به دو نوع عام و خاص تقسیم کرده است. در هر یک از این دو نوع شناخت ، جایگاه روش های جامعه شناختی و استدلالهای منطقی را بررسی کرده و معتقد است این دو روش همپوش(Overlap) هستند و هر وقت با هم هماهنگ گردند دستیابی به تحلیل جامع نظام حقوق بین المللی و تشریح مشخصه های آنرا فراهم می سازند. نویسنده در پی آن است که ترکیبی از عناصر استقرایی و استنتاجی – مشاهده تجربی و استدلال منطقی، روش علمی برای تحلیل نظام مند از سیستم حقوقی بین المللی را عرضه می کنند

1-مقدمه:

تعریف

             هیچ تعریفى از روش‏شناسى حقوق بین‏الملل وجود ندارد كه از پذیرش عمومى برخوردار باشد.در این مقاله، مفهومى از متدلوژى در نظر گرفته مى‏شود كه شامل هر دو معناى موسع یا عام، و مضیق یا خاص آن بشود.در معناى عام شناخت، روشهایى مورد نظر است كه در تحصیل شناختى - علمى از نظام حقوقى بین‏المللى مورد استفاده قرار مى‏گیرد و در معناى مضیق یا خاص، مقصود شناخت روشهایى است كه براى تعیین وجود هنجارها یا قواعد حقوق بین‏الملل به كار مى‏آیند.ارتباط این دو مفهوم بدیهى است، چون نظام حقوقى به مجموعه‏اى از قواعد حقوقى به هم‏پیوسته‏اى تعریف مى‏شود كه كل آن نظام را تشكیل مى‏دهد، حال آنكه یك هنجار حقوقى با رجوع به نظام حقوقى‏اى كه به آن تعلق دارد و از آن نشات مى‏گیرد، به این وصف شناخته مى‏شود.این روشها به حوزه دانش حقوقى تعلق دارند، نوع اخیر اغلب به عنوان یك دانش هنجارآفرین وصف مى‏شود، اما در واقع چنین نیست.حقوق خود هنجارآفرین است; زیرا آنچه را باید باشد مقرر مى‏كند، اما دانش حقوقى، همانند هر دانش دیگر، هدفش تحصیل شناخت است، موضوعش مطالعه قواعد و به‏طور عام پدیده حقوقى است، لیكن یك دانش هنجارساز نیست.

2 - روش علمى كار

       الف) آموزه‏هاى مختلف حقوق بین‏الملل حاوى مفاهیمى كلى است كه به‏طور عموم اصولى از آنها ناشى مى‏شود كه مبناى تعیین هنجارهاى حقوقى است.در این متن، ما تنها به روشهاى تحلیل نظام حقوقى بین‏المللى مى‏پردازیم.

       ب) نخستین روش عبارت از «مشاهده‏» - فارغ از هر پیش‏پندارى - است.

این مربوط به روش جامعه‏شناختى است كه حقوق را پدیده‏اى اجتماعى تلقى مى‏كند.ما مى‏توانیم درون چارچوب جامعه بین‏المللى، كه ساختار اساسى‏اش بر تكثر دولتهاى برخوردار از حاكمیت است، نظامى از قواعد حقوقى را مشاهده كنیم كه با این وصف تعبیر و شناخته شده‏اند.این حكم با درك این مطلب تقویت مى‏شود كه نوعى اعتقاد حقوقى (opinio juris) جمعى وجود دارد، باورى كه مى‏گوید، حقوق بین‏الملل موجود است و دولتها نمى‏توانند بدون آن عمل كنند.نیازى نیست در پى یك مبناى نظرى براى توجیه این ادعا باشیم كه از صرف مشاهده واقعیت نتیجه مى‏شود و با این قاعده بیان مى‏گردد كه «هر جا جامعه‏اى هست‏حقوق نیز هست‏» [ubi societas ibi jus] .

روش تجربى، همچنین، به ما اجازه مى‏دهد تا نتیجه بگیریم كه حقوق - یا به‏طور دقیق‏تر، ایده حقوق - مخلوق ذهن آدمى و توجیه عقلانى مبتنى بر درك نیازهاى اجتماعى است.در این مرحله است كه ما به محدودیتهاى روش تجربى مى‏رسیم.

      ج) حقوق، نیاز جامعه را به سازمان‏دهى و تنظیم برآورده مى‏كند.

    بنابراین، استدلال منطقى نیز - كه در سطحى بالاتر از سطح فنون شكلى حقوقى قرار دارد - به عنوان یك روش تحلیلى به كار گرفته مى‏شود و نتایج آن به وسیله روش تجربى به اثبات مى‏رسد، اما این استدلال منطقى است كه آن ایده‏ها راتایید مى‏كند و تركیبهایى را فراهم مى‏كند كه دستیابى به نظریه‏اى كلى را درباره یك نظام حقوقى ممكن مى‏سازد.این استدلال، شخص را به جستجوى روشهاى شكل‏گیرى هنجارهاى حقوقى و عقلانى‏كردن این روشها رهنمون مى‏سازد.همچنین استحاله منطقى قاعده حقوقى فاقد موضوع را روشن مى‏كند و از این رو مفهوم موضوعات قواعد حقوقى را توسعه مى‏دهد.مصادیق دیگرى از این دست مى‏توان ارایه كرد، اما موارد یادشده براى بیان شیوه استدلال منطقى معمول در ایده حقوق كافى است.

د) بنابراین مشاهده تجربى و استدلال منطقى دو روشى است كه هرگاه هماهنگ گردند، امكان تحلیل نظم حقوقى بین‏المللى و تشریح ویژگیهاى آن را فراهم مى‏سازد.در اینجا نتایج این تحلیل مورد ملاحظه و بررسى قرار نمى‏گیرد زیرا ما تنها به روش‏شناسى مى‏پردازیم و براى آنكه روش‏شناسى علمى باقى بماند، باید مفاهیم جزمى پیش‏پنداشته و قضایاى ثابت‏نشده را كنار بگذاریم.

3 -روش شناسى در معناى محدود

           الف) روشهایى كه قرار است معرفى شود، از روشهاى درون‏حقوقى - كه براى تعیین قواعد مختلف حقوق مورد نظر است - متمایز است.براى مثال، یك قاضى باید این روشها را - براى تعیین قواعدى كه مى‏خواهد در یك پرونده خاص اعمال كند - به كار گیرد.او باید نخست وجود این قواعد و سپس محتواى آنها رامشخص كند.این روش‏شناسى متمایز است از نظریه حقوق بین‏الملل، كه موضوعش نظام حقوقى بین‏المللى همراه با مبانى و ساختار آن است، لیكن این تمایز و جدایى مطلق نیست.

       ب) روشهاى مورد استفاده براى تشخیص وجود قواعد، در واقع، گاهى با مفهوم كلى جنبه‏هاى بنیادین نظام حقوقى بین‏المللى رابطه تنگاتنگ دارد.بنابراین، براى مثال، مكتب هنجارگرا (نرماتیو) چنین تلقى مى‏كند كه هر هنجار حقوق بین‏المللى، به واسطه استنتاج منطقى از هنجار پیشین ناشى مى‏شود.

        ج) روشهاى تعیین قواعد حقوق بین‏الملل باید همچنین از روشها و فنون اعمال هر قاعده در یك قضیه مشخص، متمایز گردد.هر قاعده حقوق بین‏الملل هنگامى اعمال مى‏گردد كه از پیش شناخته شده باشد و وجودش به اثبات رسیده باشد.با وجود این در اینجا نیز تمایز بى چون و چرا نیست و برخى نقاط تلاقى وجود دارد.براى مثال، در یك مورد خاص ممكن است جستجوى یك قاعده قابل اجرا به مساله تمثیل یا مساله فقدان قواعد حقوقى مناسب منجر شود، این مسائل در مرز میان تشخیص قواعد حقوقى و اعمال آنها قرار دارد.

       د) روش‏شناسى حقوق بین‏الملل به معنایى كه اینجا بیان مى‏شود، به شیوه‏هاى تحلیل مورد استفاده در بیان عوامل یا محركهایى نمى‏پردازد كه به ریشه قواعد حقوقى مربوط مى‏شود و محتواى آنها را تعیین مى‏كند.

       ظهور یك قاعده و رهنمودهایى كه آن قاعده مى‏دهد، نتیجه بازى نیروها و تعارض منافع در جامعه بین‏المللى و تاثیر ایدئولوژى‏ها و فلسفه‏ها و همچنین نیازهاى جامعه است.تحلیل این پدیده به حوزه جامعه‏شناسى حقوق بین‏الملل متعلق است كه شیوه‏هاى خاص خود را دارد.اما گفتنى است كه وقتى مى‏خواهیم وجود یك قاعده خاص حقوق بین‏الملل را اثبات كنیم، عوامل مختلفى باید به این منظور مورد ملاحظه قرار گیرد كه گاهى شامل دلایل منطقى وجود آن یا به عبارت دیگر عوامل و محركهایى مى‏گردد كه محتواى آن را بیان و توجیه مى‏كند.

4 - طرح كلى روشهاى ارایه شده توسط نویسندگان

        الف) هنگام تحلیل روشهاى نظرى مختلف، تمایز عناصر متعلق به روش‏شناسى در معناى محدود از عناصر متعلق به مفاهیم كلى حقوق بین‏الملل حائز اهمیت است.ترسیم چنین تمایزى همواره آسان نیست.براى مثال، مكاتب مختلف پوزیتیویستى بر این ایده تاسیس شده‏اند كه قواعد حقوقى فرآورده یك روند شكل‏گیرى است كه خود به موجب حقوق تنظیم‏شده و بر اصلى واحد استوار است كه این اصل بر حسب مكاتب مختلف، متفاوت است.طبق این مفاهیم كلى، تعیین قواعد حقوق بین‏الملل عمدتا بر استنتاج تكیه دارد.«شوارزمبرگر» یكى از نظریه‏پردازان اصلى روش تركیبى ,(inductive method) این روش را به عنوان یك روش پوزیتیویست‏بیان مى‏كند.بنابراین، آن ترمینولوژى به‏كاررفته براى تعیین مكاتب نظرى مختلف حقوق بین‏الملل باید الغا شود.بهتر است‏شخص خود را محدود كند به واژه‏هایى كه به‏طور مشخص به روشها اطلاق مى‏شود.

       ب) روش تركیبى یا استقرایى (inductive) شناسایى قواعد حقوق را از طریق مشاهده تاثیر آنها در جامعه بین‏المللى ممكن مى‏سازد.این روش در صورتى یك قاعده را قاعده حقوق مى‏داند كه توسط تابعان حقوق بین‏الملل این‏گونه شناخته شده باشد.اینكه آیا واقعیت چنین است، به وسیله رویه، در وسیع‏ترین معنایش، روشن مى‏گردد.بنابراین، این یك روش تجربى است.این روش، ارزش سایر روشها - مانند استنتاجى یا استدلالى - را نفى نمى‏كند، اما نتایج اعمال روشهاى اخیر فرضیه‏هایى تلقى مى‏شود كه باید به وسیله مشاهده تجربى به اثبات برسد.

      ج) از طرف دیگر روش استنتاجى، وجود قواعد حقوق بین‏الملل را از طریق یك فراگرد استدلال مبتنى بر اصول، وقایع حقوقى یا شیوه‏هاى شكلى قاعده‏سازى كه مبانى اعتبار آن قواعد است، تعیین مى‏كند.با توجه به تنوع زیاد مكاتب فكرى كه روش استنتاجى را به‏كار مى‏گیرند، ارایه یك توضیح كامل در اینجا ممكن نیست، بلكه باید به چند نمونه محدود بسنده كنیم.مكتب حقوق طبیعى بر این باور است كه هنجارهاى حقوقى اعتبار خود را مرهون آن قواعد حقوق ذاتى است كه بیانگر آن است.گرایش‏هاى مختلف در مكتب پوزیتیویسم برآنند كه قواعد وجود خود را مدیون این واقعیت است كه به موجب برخى وقایع خاص، براى مثال از طریق رضایت‏یا نوعى اراده جمعى، «وضع شده‏» یا آفریده شده است.

       این روش، عالیترین نمود خود را درمكتب هنجارگرا مى‏یابد كه وجود و استقرار هر هنجار حقوقى را به واسطه استنتاج منطقى، مرهون هنجار پیشین و به لحاظ سلسله‏مراتب برتر مى‏داند.

        این روند سلسله‏مراتبى ادامه مى‏یابد تا به «هنجار فرضى بنیادین‏» ( Grundnorm) مى‏رسد، روش استنتاجى، همچنین، متشكل از استدلال مبتنى بر تحلیل پدیده حقوقى است كه به تعیین اصولى خاص مى‏انجامد.

د) روشهاى استقرایى و استنتاجى لزوما مانعة‏الجمع (mutually exclusive) نیست; بلكه كاربرد تركیبى آنها در قالب نظم حقوقى بین‏المللى قابل تصور است و نویسندگانى چند آن را عرضه كرده‏اند.

5 - رابطه میان روش شناسى و منابع

       الف) روش شناخت هنجارها را نمى‏توان از منابع حقوق بین‏الملل جدا كرد.

در واقع، محال است‏به جستجوى قواعدى پرداخت كه در عمل مؤثر است‏بى آنكه رهنمودى براى این جستجو در اختیار داشت و این تنها شناخت‏شكل و سبك ممكن براى وجود یا پیدایش این هنجارهاست كه مى‏تواند نقش چنان رهنمودى را ایفا كند.

       ب) منابع حقوق بین‏الملل شناخته شده است; تعریف آنها مطابق است‏با نتایج استدلال منطقى و مشاهداتى كه مى‏توان انجام داد.با این وجود، تعیین منابع حقوق بین‏الملل به حوزه متدلوژى مورد استفاده براى مطالعه حقوق بین‏الملل به عنوان یك نظام حقوقى تعلق دارد.(یعنى روش‏شناسى در معناى وسیعش).وجود قواعد «وضع شده‏» به موجب یك هنجار پیشین و وجود قواعدى كه «خود به خود» پدید آمده‏اند، پذیرفتنى است; همچنین است مقوله منابع و «اصول‏» كه مورد اختلاف‏نظرهاى قابل ملاحظه‏اى است.

6 _ قواعد «وضع شده‏»

        الف) نظام حقوقى بین‏المللى از هنجارهاى بسیارى تشكیل مى‏شود كه ناشى از اقدامات ارادى است.

اراده به خودى خود نمى‏تواند هیچ‏گونه آثار حقوقى پدید آورد; بلكه یك هنجار موجود باید به آن اثر حقوقى ببخشد.یك معاهده بین‏المللى، مصوبه یك‏جانبه‏اى كه توسط یكى از ارگانهاى یك سازمان بین‏المللى - در حوزه صلاحیتش - ایجاد مى‏شود، تصمیم یك دیوان كه موجد قواعد حقوقى معتبر میان طرفین است، اینها همه اعتبار خود را مدیون یك قاعده حقوقى پیشین و به لحاظ سلسله‏مراتبى برتر هستند.مى‏توان ادعا كرد كه قواعد پدیدآمده به موجب اعمال حقوقى، به كمك روش استقرایى و با مشاهده آثار آنها، قابل تشخیص است.اما، محدودیتهاى دستاورد این روش، بروشنى نمایانده مى‏شود.براى مثال، راه معمولى براى یك قاضى در رسیدگى این است كه پیش از اعمال یك قاعده تعیین كند كه آن قاعده وجود دارد (چون معتبر است).مساله اعتبار قواعد موضوعه هنگام ملاحظه قواعد حاكم بر صلاحیت، آیین دادرسى مورد عمل و...بررسى مى‏شود.این روش استنتاجى است كه باید مورد استفاده قرار گیرد، همان‏گونه كه به موجب احكام ناشى از اعمال قضایى یك قاعده معاهداتى یا مقرره‏اى از قطعنامه یك سازمان بین‏المللى نشان داده مى‏شود.

         اگر موضوع مورد بحث، مورد چالش باشد، قاضى اطمینان مى‏دهد كه قاعده یا در معاهده‏اى مندرج است كه به‏طور معتبر منعقد شده و در زمان موردنظر قدرت اجرایى داشته است و یا ناشى از اقدام یك‏جانبه‏اى است كه به‏طور معتبر اتخاذ شده است و داراى ارزش حقوقى است.این ادعا به‏واسطه این واقعیت ثابت مى‏شود كه: اگر معلوم شود معاهده‏اى كه براى مدتى مجرى بوده است، متضمن یك عیب بى‏اعتبار كننده‏اى است، مقررات آن معاهده وصف قاعده حقوقى را از دست مى‏دهد; حتى اگر مؤثر بوده باشد.طبق كنوانسیون وین راجع به حقوق معاهدات (ماده‏69) پیامدهاى اعمال قواعد معاهداتى كه بى‏اعتبارى‏شان ثابت‏شده است، حتى‏الامكان باید محو شود.در قضیه حاكمیت‏بر برخى سرزمینهاى مرزى (میان بلژیك و هلند) معلوم شد كه حاكمیتى كه به موجب یك كنوانسیون به بلژیك واگذار شده تحت تاثیر این موضوع نبود كه هلند اقدامات متعدد حاكمیتى را انجام داده بود; اعتبار آن معاهده ثابت‏بوده و كنوانسیون مقدم تلقى شد.

         ب) بنابراین، تا آنجا كه به مجموعه قواعد وضع شده به موجب یك عمل حقوقى مربوط مى‏شود، باید روش استنتاجى را اعمال كنیم.لیكن گاهى پیگیرى اثبات ضرورى است، و این تنها با كمك روش استقرایى ممكن است.در واقع، ممكن است اتفاق افتد كه یك قاعده معاهداتى، در نتیجه رویه‏اى مخالف كه قدرت اجرایى یافته و عرفى را پدید آورده كه جایگزین آن قاعده شده است، به حالت تعلیق درآید.

         ج) تعیین قواعد وضع شده مانند هر قواعد دیگرى، نمى‏تواند از تعیین محتواى آن جدا باشد.تا آنجا كه به این نوع قواعد - یعنى قواعد نوشته - مربوط مى‏شود، تعیین هر قاعده‏اى نخست ما را به متنى مى‏رساند كه اعتبارش ثابت‏شده است، پس از آن مساله تفسیر آن متن مطرح مى‏شود.به این ترتیب، در تفسیر یك قاعده و محتواى آن دو مرحله متوالى وجود دارد و در طى مرحله دوم است كه روشهاى مختلف تفسیر مى‏تواند مورد استفاده قرار گیرد.

7 - هنجارهاى خود رسته

          هنجارهاى حقوق بین‏الملل عرفى اعتبار خود را مدیون هیچ قاعده از پیش موجودى نیست.اینها معیارهاى خودروست.این قواعد از طریق استقرا معین مى‏شود.با مشاهده رویه، رفتار و عملكردهاست كه ما وجود یك هنجار راء تشخیص مى‏دهیم، هنجارى كه با اثرگذارى خود استقرار یافته است.لیكن باید تاكید كرد تا آنجا كه به حقوق عرفى مربوط مى‏شود، تشخیص وجود قاعده و محتواى آن معمولا عملى یكسان است.سؤالى كه باید از خود پرسید این است كه: آیا قاعده‏اى با محتوایى خاص وجود دارد؟ ملاحظاتى همچون احساس مشترك، انصاف و ضرورت، ممكن است دلیل وجود آن قاعده و گاهى ضرورتش را تقویت كند.در قضیه ماهیگیرى انگلستان - نروژ (Icj Reports , p.133, 1951) دیوان بین‏المللى دادگسترى چیزى را به فرمول آورد كه بر آن عنوان «برخى ملاحظات اساسى‏» را نهاد، این ملاحظات بویژه مربوط بود به ماهیت دریاى سرزمینى و برخى منافع اقتصادى خاص یك منطقه.این مثال نشان مى‏دهد، در حالیكه روش تعیین قواعد عرفى عمدتا استقرایى است، در اثبات محتواى یك هنجار دیوان فاكتورهاى مختلف دیگرى را نیز مورد ملاحظه قرار مى‏دهد - از جمله ملاحظات اخلاقى، به‏طورى كه در قضاوتهاى مربوط به ملاحظات بشرى نشان داده شده است [براى مثال نك: .[Corfu Channel Case (Merits) بنابراین، روش استقرایى به‏كار گرفته شده در تعیین قواعد حقوقى خودرسته باید با بررسى‏هایى دیگر از راه استدلال تكمیل شود.

8- اصول كلى حقوق

         الف) قواعد مختلفى كه نشان‏دهنده درجه خاصى از انتزاع است، و در واقع، تنها دسته‏اى از قواعد عرفى است، گاهى «اصول‏» یا حتى «اصول بنیادین‏» نامیده مى‏شود.در نتیجه، هیچ نیازى به جستجوى روشى نیست كه براى تشخیص یا شناخت آنها به‏كار گرفته شود.این صرفا یك موضوع تركیب و طبقه‏بندى است.

ب) اصول كلى حقوق مورد اشاره در قست (C) از بند 1 ماده 38 اساسنامه دیوان بین‏المللى دادگسترى آنهایى است كه به‏طور عموم در قلمرو داخلى تضمین شده است.یك ملاحظه اولیه این است كه، تا آنجا كه به قواعد فنى مربوط مى‏شود، روش مورد استفاده براى تعیین این «اصول كلى‏» عبارت است از روش مشاهده كه خصیصه‏اى استقرایى دارد.قاضى نظامهاى حقوقى ملى را بررسى مى‏كند تا آنكه قاعده‏اى را كه مى‏خواهد اعمال كند از آنها استخراج كند. اما باید وجود یك قیاس تمثیلى را میان وضعیت مورد ملاحظه در حقوق بین‏الملل و وضعیت تصورشده كه در قوانین داخلى احراز كند، تمثیلى كه براى توجیه اقتباس قاعده‏اى از آن قوانین كافى است.این كار حاوى یك تحلیل تطبیقى و مرتبه‏اى از استدلال است.

        ثانیا، اصولى، با ویژگى خاص، هست كه ضرورتا در نظام حقوقى، از جمله نظام حقوق بین‏الملل وجود دارد.براى مثال، اصل وفاى به عهد (Pacta sunt servanda) با نفس ایده حقوق پیوندى ذاتى دارد; زیرا یكى از اولین و اساسى‏ترین نمودهاى آن ایده، تعهد متقابلى است كه الزام‏آور تلقى شده است.به همین‏سان، اصلى كه طبق آن نقض تعهد نسبت‏به یك شخص تابع حقوق مستلزم تكلیف جبران است، ذاتى یك نظام حقوقى است، زیرا اگر در حوزه حقوقى میان ایفاى تعهد و عدم ایفاى آن تفاوتى نباشد، ایده تعهد حقوقى بى‏معنا خواهد بود.در این زمینه مى‏توان از اصل حسن‏نیت نیز یاد كرد.روش استقرایى براى تعیین وجود این اصول ممكن است‏به‏كار رود، لیكن باید تاكید كرد كه چون این اصول ذاتى هر نظام حقوقى است، برخلاف اصول داراى منشا عرفى، غیرقابل تغییر است.بنابراین، در سطح روشها باید تاكید شود كه این اصول با تاملى بر ماهیت‏حقوق شناخته مى‏شود.تاثیر آنها گاهى ناپایدار است، همان‏طور كه در مورد تكلیف جبران در قبال یك عمل غیرقانونى چنین است، اما با وجود این، از نظر حقوقى كاملا به اعتبار خود باقى است.

        ج) آیا همین روش استدلال منطقى و استنتاجى مى‏تواند به شناخت اصول مخصوص و ذاتى نظام حقوق بین‏المللى منجر شود؟ استدلال منطقى ما را به این نتیجه مى‏رساند، اصل حاكمیت این ویژگیها را دارد.نویسندگانى چند این اصل را اقتباس از قواعد عرفى مى‏دانند.به هر تقدیر در نظر نویسندگان، تحلیل علمى نظام حقوق بین‏الملل نشان مى‏دهد كه این نظام تماما بر مجموعه‏اى از دولتهاى حاكم بنا شده است كه تابعان اصلى آن است، و در درون این محیط عمل مى‏كند.اگر این ویژگى اختصاصى نظام حقوق بین‏الملل از بین برود، ما خود را با یك نظام حقوقى متفاوت از آنچه امروز مى‏شناسیم روبرو خواهیم دید.نظام موجود مستلزم اصل حاكمیت است.ما از راه تحلیل كلى پدیده حقوق بین‏الملل، همراه با استدلال، یعنى باتركیب مشاهده و استنتاج منطقى، به این نتیجه مى‏رسیم.

9 .قواعد حقوقى بین‏المللى و اجراى آنها

        ا لف) روش‏شناسى در معناى محدودش شامل اعمال یا اجراى قواعد حقوق بین‏الملل نمى‏شود.در واقع این موضوع تنها متعاقب تعیین قواعد قابل اجرا در موردى خاص مطرح مى‏شود.با این وجود، پاره‏اى اوقات در وضعیتى خاص چنین اتفاق مى‏افتد كه نه یك قاعده حقوق بین‏الملل وجود دارد و نه امكان رهنمودهایى از نظامهاى حقوقى ملى (1) زیرا تمثیل كفایت نمى‏كند.این مشكل فقدان قاعده است (Lacunae) و در همین زمینه مشكل تمثیل بروز مى‏كند.این مسائل را نمى‏توان در اینجا به تفصیل مورد بررسى قرار داد; تنها مى‏توان چند ملاحظه روش‏شناسانه ارایه كرد.

        ب) باید با استدلال به مساله فقدان قاعده (Lacunae) پرداخته شود.استدلال برخى نویسندگان را به این باور مى‏رساند كه هر جا قاعده‏اى نیست، حكم ضرورى بر حسب اصل آزادى، كه با حاكمیت مرتبط است، این است كه هیچ تعهدى از سوى دولت پذیرفته نیست.این استنتاج منطقى مى‏نماید، اما نمى‏تواند در همه وضعیتها، راه درستى تلقى شود.در واقع، تحلیلهاى منطقى نشان مى‏دهد كه برخى وضعیتها لزوما راه‏حلى را ایجاب مى‏كند، زیرا آزادى عمل یا حاكمیت چندین دولت در تعارض با یكدیگر قرار مى‏گیرد، به عنوان مثال، مى‏توانیم از برخى مسائل سرزمینى (مرزها، رودخانه‏هاى بین‏المللى) یاد كنیم كه زمانى مطرح مى‏شود كه قضایایى جدید یا حل‏نشده بروز مى‏كند.قاعده یا راه‏حلى براى قضیه‏اى واحد ممكن است‏به كمك تمثیل یا ملاحظات احساس مشترك یا انصاف تعیین شود، اما قاضى نباید از اختیاراتى كه به وى تفویض شده است فراتر رود.

       مقوله ویژه‏اى از فقدان قاعده (Lacunae) - كه گاهى فقدان قاعده معتبر (authentic lacunae non) نامیده مى‏شود - مقوله‏اى است كه ناشى از خلاهاى غیر بین‏المللى یا طرح ناقص یك متن، بویژه متن یك معاهده است.ممكن است از راه قیاس با یك متن مشابه یا تعمیم و تفصیل یك قاعده راه‏حلى یافت‏شود، این در صورتى است كه ارگان مرجوع‏الیه اختیار چنین كارى را داشته باشد.روش منحصر به فردى وجود ندارد.

        ج) تمثیل در مورد مساله فقدان قاعده مورد اشاره قرار گرفته است.كاربرد آن در حقوق بین‏الملل، به‏طورى كه رویه نشان مى‏دهد، مطمئنا مجاز است.تعیین محدودیتهاى كاربرد آن بسیار مشكل است.از دیدگاه روش‏شناسانه مساله این است كه: پس از شناخت‏یك قاعده، در اجرا آن را باید تعمیم داد تا شامل قضیه، وضعیت‏یا رابطه‏اى حقوقى بشود كه به‏طور صریح شامل آن نیست‏یا دست‏كم به آن قاعده اجازه داده شود تا راه‏حلى را القا كند.این تحلیل تطبیقى وضعیت تابع قاعده با وضعیت فاقد قاعده - كه شخص مى‏خواهد قاعده موجود را به آن تعمیم دهد - است كه روشن مى‏كند آیا چنین رویه‏اى پذیرفتنى است‏یا نه.مشابهت دو وضعیت‏باید مسلم باشد.این مساله به‏طور خاص ممكن است نسبت‏به روابط خارجى سازمانهاى بین‏المللى (اختیارات ضمنى، قدرت معاهده‏سازى) مطرح شود.

        درست است كه قواعد فراوان حاكم بر این روابط در حال توسعه‏اند، اما ممكن است وضعیتهایى پدید آید كه چنین قواعدى در مورد آنها هنوز موجود نباشد.اگر تمثیل و تشبیه كفایت كند، اعمال قواعد موجود در روابط میان دولتها را در مورد روابط خارجى سازمانهاى بین‏المللى مى‏توان تعمیم داد.از همین رو هنگامى كه جامعه ملل در ژنو تاسیس شد، دولت‏سوئیس چنین تلقى كرد كه جامعه داراى شخصیت‏بین‏المللى است; «در نتیجه حق برخوردارى از وضعیت‏یك دولت را دارد».به این ترتیب جامعه ملل از مصونیتهاى صلاحیتى داده شده به دولتها برخوردار گردید.

   (2) از آن پس وضعیت‏حقوقى سازمانهاى بین‏المللى در كشورهاى میزبان موضوع توافقنامه‏هاى فراوانى واقع شده است، این موافقتنامه‏ها وضعیتى حقوقى را پیش‏بینى مى‏كند كه از برخى جهات با وضعیت معمول درباره دولتها متفاوت است.در سال 1921م.سوئیس از راه تمثیل اقدام به تعمیم قواعد حاكم بر روابط میان دولتها به سازمانهاى بین‏المللى - تابعان دیگر حقوق بین‏الملل - كرد كه وضعیتشان مشابه تصور شده بود.

       د) به‏طور خلاصه، شناسایى قواعد حقوق بین‏الملل به تعیین تابعان آنها و وقایع یا وضعیتهایى مى‏انجامد كه قواعد بر آنها اعمال مى‏گردد.در قضیه‏اى كه هیچ قاعده ذى‏ربطى از حقوق بین‏الملل وجود نداشته باشد، استدلال منطقى این امكان را فراهم مى‏سازد كه تعیین كنیم آیا چنین وضعیتى متضمن آزادى عمل است‏یا برعكس لزوما نوعى قاعده را ایجاب مى‏كند، قاعده‏اى كه بویژه جایى قابل اجراست كه فقدان آن به تعارضى میان دولتهایى چند مى‏انجامد كه مى‏خواهند آزادى عمل خود را اعمال كنند، یا هنگامى قابل اجراست كه نتایج چنان وضعیتى رضایتبخش نباشد.پس اعمال قاعده به موجب تمثیل از طریق تعمیم قاعده ممكن مى‏گردد تا آنكه سایر تابعان را دربر گیرد یا شامل وضعیتى گردد كه بسیار شبیه وضعیتى است كه قاعده موجود نسبت‏به آن اعمال مى‏شود.

10 – نتیجه گیری

        روش‏شناسى حقوق بین‏الملل با دو عنصر مشخص مى‏شود.از یك سو هر رویكرد علمى مبتنى بر مشاهده و فارغ از هرگونه پیش‏پندارى ایدئولوژیكى یا آموزه‏اى است از طرف دیگر موضوع مشاهده، یعنى نظام حقوقى بین‏المللى و قواعد گوناگون آن، از ایده حقوق نشات مى‏گیرد كه مخلوق اندیشه آدمى و كارى عقلانى است.و در نتیجه، مشاهده خود نمى‏تواند از عناصر عقلى كاملا آزاد باشد.براى نمونه، دیدیم كه روش استقرایى تعیین قواعد بر مفهوم منابع تكیه دارد.

      بنابراین، روش تحلیل علمى نظام حقوقى بین‏المللى و قواعد متشكله آن، تركیبى از عناصر استقرایى و استنتاجى، مشاهده و استدلال، است، كه نقش و عملكرد هر یك از این عناصر باید بروشنى تبیین گردد.

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نویسنده : كریستین دومنیکه

 

Iran: Preparing for “Soft War”

Ali Asghar Kazemi

December 2009

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Changing Conflict Environment

Ever since the breakdown of the Soviet Union, as the most powerful rival of the United States in the bipolar system, without a single bullet being fired, the expression of “Soft War” entered into new military and strategic jargon in the world. While the use of hard power or military forces is still a prevalent means in interstate clashes, the advent of the internet as a popular method of communications introduced a new dimension in the conflict environment.

Cyber war is a form of applied soft power in conflict situations where various vital strategic points and institutions of the target state are susceptible to cyber attacks. The range of such targets is very wide and diverse: from civilian power plants, banking system and defense establishments to media and cultural centers and academic institutions. Many states are now investing hard in the field of soft war as a legitimate investment with the objective to avoid the fate of the “evil empire.”

While conflict environment is being radically changed, means of encountering threats should also be transformed accordingly. However, there seem to be some misperceptions about non-violent and peaceful capacity of states to influence the course of international relations. This dimension has always been an important element of interstate interactions. In other words, use of soft power to complement other means of military power in peace and war has always formed an integral part of states’ grand strategy.

How far new schemes to cope with the threats of “soft war” is realistic? What are the risks of such strategy for society as a whole?

New Threats Perceptions

The post-elections turmoil in Iran has already lasted too long to be turned into an attrition domestic conflict. The hard-liners in Tehran are now announcing that they are facing a “soft war” initiated by the West for the purpose of toppling the Islamic regime. They argue that Western powers, disappointed from the threats of use force and hard power against Iran, and deterred from Iran’s defense and military capability, have been staging an unparalleled aggressive scheme through “soft power.” In their view, the plan is to instigate people against the government by claiming freedom, human rights, democracy and so on. They perceive that these latter demands are merely intended to press upon the Islamic system to surrender to western evil secular institutions and way of life.

The apprehension seems to be real and serious. Since, the forces of law and order are now being directed to cope with soft threats coming from the public media influenced by the West, including the satellites, internet and other means of communications. A parallel campaign has been initiated against academic institutions for teaching Western oriented secular social sciences. This whole has given a legitimate pretext to the ruling system to widen its rigorous control over the media and to press upon journalists, scholars, academics and opposition groups who one way or another have been criticizing the government during the past turbulent months.

Exaggerating Western Soft Power

There is no doubt about the technological capacity of the West and their capability to influence course of events anywhere in the world. But apparently, the threat of soft power is being immensely exaggerated in order to suppress domestic dissents which seeks its roots somewhere else

Ibne Khaldun, (1332-1406 AD) Moslem philosopher and scholar, pioneer in ‎sociology and historical analysis, was the first to argue that the defeat of the ‎Islamic domination in Western Mediterranean (Spain) was due to moral and ‎material decay of Moslem warriors and rulers. The main cause of this ‎phenomenon in his opinion was the clever plot designed by Westerners to corrupt ‎Moslem zealous through inducing lust for material amenities of life which detracted them ‎from their fervor and eagerness to defend the conquered realm of Islam.‎

In a way, the Khadunian suggestion seems to be still valid in any society where there is a cleavage between people and the ruling system because of mutual distrust. There are many factors through which people lose faith in their political system. Lack of accountability and proper democratic institutions, infringement to their principal rights, non-conformity to moral and ethical values, are among the most important factors leading to people mistrust and alienation. When people lose faith in the political system, they become discontent and thereby vulnerable and subject to all sorts of exogenous influence and intrigues.

Therefore, when people rise up against a political system and claim legitimate rights, one should not put all the blame on extraneous factors. Rational management of domestic crises requires that indigenous elements be taken seriously into consideration. In other words, we must first have an adequate grasp of our own society before initiating policies to counter with outside mischievous plots. People should be immunized against the influence of others’ soft power through appropriate cultural and educational preparation. Uses of repressive and restrictive measures usually have counterproductive effect. The problem needs to be tackled open-mindedly and rationally by specialists and not by unqualified forces that could jeopardize the whole scheme.

Dialogue and Diplomacy as Instruments of Soft Power

When states are engaged concurrently in two fronts (domestic and international) with disagreement, they should use both dialogue and diplomacy as instruments of soft power for crisis management. Exaggerating too much about “soft war” may further close the society and isolate the nation from the mainstream of international relations. At the same time, investing too heavily on hard power and military strength will not produce the necessary security assurance for a country.

The fall of the Soviet Union was not due to their lack of hard power, but rather to the disregard of the ruling elites of people’s essential rights and closure of the communist society to perceived “imperialistic plots.” Preparing for “soft war” requires a national consciousness of our strength, advantages and weakness and our standing in the global political configuration. Hard power and soft power are complementary components of national strategy in pursuit of vital interests. No matter how powerful a nation might be, it should show some degree of flexibility and tolerance in domestic and foreign affairs. The instruments of dialogue and diplomacy should be used as appropriate means to offset domestic unrest and to neutralize conceivable threats directed against our national interests. /

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‎ ‎* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and International Relations in Tehran, Iran. See: ‎www.aakazemi.blogspot.com

‎* Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of ‎this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and ‎Strategic Discourse ©All Copy Rights Reserved.‎

Iran, Beating the War Drums!

Iran: Beating the War Drums!

Ali Asghar Kazemi

November 24, 2009

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In the midst of a confusing stalemate in the nuclear negotiation with the 5+1 powers, Islamic hardliners are engaging in an unprecedented military exercise with the objective to show a deterrent air defense umbrella for Iran’s nuclear sites and strategic points. The Islamic government has so far shown reluctance to go along with the West on the matters concerning its nuclear undertaking and the proposed confidence-building measures. Instead, it is aggravating the situation by organizing maneuvers that would eventually create further suspicions and hostility.

How far the major challengers of the controversial projects are susceptible to be deterred from this and similar military exercises? Is really military confrontation a rational solution to the problem? What are eventual scenarios in this conflict? Is a military clash between Iran and its main nuclear contenders inevitable?

It is normal that countries plan in peacetime for regular military maneuvers in order to keep forces in a state of readiness and efficient condition to confront potential foreign threats. Also, it is quite understandable that such exercises be made known to public with a view to deter those who may have ill intentions about the security, independence and territorial integrity of another state. But, the odd thing about the recent air defense exercise in Iran is its timing and configuration.

At the outset, the exercise was supposed to cover almost the whole space of the country for the purpose of the air defense protection of nuclear sites and other strategic targets exposed to eventual hostile air raids. This has included both active as well as passive defense. But, one missing important element in this defense puzzle was the promised Russian S300 which so far was not delivered to Iran. Eventually, the lack of this vital weapon system pushed the Islamic Guard Corps- Pasdaran- to stay away from this particular operation. Since, without this air defense system, the chances for an effective active defense would be highly diminished. Understandably, Pasdaran, who are now in control of almost everything in the country, do not want to enter into a contest whose outcome is unclear.

Thus, unlike most other exercises, this time the regular military forces (and not the Pasdaran) have been tasked for carrying out operation. This is indeed a significant change from the past when the Guardian Corps assumed the responsibility of all show of forces in similar cases. In the central command post, a clergy with black turban and army uniform was sitting next to the commanding flag officer of the maneuver; implying that everything is under the control of the clerical hierarchy. It is interesting to notice that we seldom saw similar situations when a high profile “Pasdar” assumed the responsibility of an operation.

As for military and political implications of this untimely exercise, the following points can be observed:

· Considering the timing of this exercise, the Islamic government seems to be losing hope in diplomatic negotiations with the 5+1 powers and is trying to put more pressure to them for further concessions;

· Despite wide publicity in the domestic media, while public at large might be impressed by the extent and scope of the exercise, Iran’s potential hostiles, namely the United States and its ally in the region (Israel) appear not be deterred by the show of forces. Since, they have a practical estimate of Iran’s actual defense potentials and state of technology ;

· While a clash seems to be still remote under present circumstances, in an unfortunate worst case scenario, the conflict would be fast (blitzkrieg) and decisive leaving no option for Iran to project power beyond its borders;

· Should the worst case scenario occurs, the extent of damages to strategic points will be beyond calculation and the result of the last 50 years investment in infrastructure and economic resources will be put to nil.

· In case of a quick round up of the conflict, the blame of the defeat will be put on the regular armed forces and a number of outside factors beyond incumbent government control.

Given that the Islamic government has partially lost public support in the wake of the controversial presidential elections, it seems rather hard that the regime could mobilize a long-run attrition war against its enemies. This means that the ruling clergies might not be able to count on people’s religious or patriotic fervor for effective support. However, should the conflict drags on for more than a few days after the first rounds of strikes, then, Pasdaran might try to organize retaliatory brushfire strikes against the invaders or American allies in the region.

On the rationality and logic of Islamic hardliners to organize such costly exercises for the purpose of deterring their potential adversaries, one should realize that defending national interests of a country is no longer possible with mere hard power and weapon system. No matter how powerful a state might be, it needs to use diplomacy and negotiation for the purpose of protecting its security and sovereignty.

There is no doubt that the West and their allies in the region have a good grasp and assessment of Iran’s defense capacity and potentials. They know well its vulnerabilities and weak points as well as the technological state of its defense system. Hundreds of research centers and institutes permanently follow every bits of defense development or procurement in the world. Therefore, one ought to be realistic enough not to engage in a confrontation whose outcome is at least unclear if not totally adverse to its national interests.

Let’s hope that politicians involved in this critical situation act vigilantly in their decisions and actions. The Middle East has enough problems and bottlenecks that we need not another new situation that could engulf the whole region into a new crisis and bloodshed. /

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Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and International Relations in Tehran, Iran. See: www.aakazemi.blogspot.com

* Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and Strategic Discourse. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.

Iran, US and the Russian Connection

Iran, US and the Russian Connection

Ali Asghar Kazemi

November 16, 2009

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Iran and the United States have been competing hard to gain Russian support for their mutually antagonistic nuclear policies. Russians as usual are playing a villain opportunist who tries to get the most benefit out of this tripartite connection. How far this game can continue and how long Iranians should pay ransom to the Kremlin in order to put into operation Bushehr nuclear power plant that has become a source of prestige and the symbol Iran-Russia cooperation after the revolution in Iran?

Upon the conclusion of a meeting between Obama and Medvediev during the November 15, 2009 APEC conference in Singapore, Russian have announced that Iran’s nuclear power plant at Bushehr will not be operational at the end of this year for technical matters. This is the fifth or sixth time that Russians have postponed the inauguration of the plant during the past years; whilst it has become a matter of pride and prestige for the Islamic regime. Despite Russian claim to the contrary, Iranians firmly believe that this action has a political motivation and is a direct result of American pressure on the Russians with respect to Iran’s nuclear ambitions. Opposition groups blame the incumbent government for the mismanagement of the project and accuse Russians as unreliable and erratic party who should not be trusted for major undertakings.

Read More...

Obama: Between Idealism and Realism

Obama: Between Idealism and Realism
Ali Asghar Kazemi
November 2009
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Less than a year in the White House, Obama is caught in a perplex situation: the Wilsonian ideals of peace, democracy, self-determination etc on the one hand; and American prestige, power and hegemony in the world on the other. There is no doubt that Obama is personally and by nature a decent man with many good human traits. But, as president of the United States, he is supposed to follow the Machiavellian advices in order to preserve “Prince’s” power and interests.
Perhaps, it is normal that when one begins to exercise in some fresh field, at initial steps the element of wish and purpose is overwhelming strong and the inclination to ponder upon facts and means are weak or non-existent. Realism is based on the assumption that the key concept in politics is interest defined as power; and everything else in the realm of ethics and morality is at the service of those interests.
Obama’s idealistic stand during his presidential campaign with respect to foreign policy and defense strategy was a natural position of a democrat candidate vis-a-vis a republican president who became the most detested leader in US history. But, he was enough conscious not to let him-self mired by illusion. Thus, in his initial speech after the election he touched to concrete facts on the way of the United States when he said: “the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime, two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century.” In fact, the troubles that Obama inherited from his predecessors were so profound and beyond reach that nobody could deny their existence and complexities.

Read More...

Towards “Secular Nationalism” in Iran

Towards “Secular Nationalism” in Iran

Ali Asghar Kazemi

November 2009

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While nationalism in the Moslem world is commonly considered as an alien ideology imported from the West, Persian nationalism has been emerged from a religious ground. Shi’ism is an outgrowth of this phenomenon that distinguishes Iranian from other Arab and non-Arab Moslems in the Middle East and elsewhere in the world.

Up until the advent of the Islamic regime in Iran, national consciousness has been with Iranians parallel to their religious traditions. In other words, religious nationalism formed an inherent trait of the Persian identity for a long period of time[i]. This feature helped Iranians to consolidate, fight against their enemies and secure the country from disintegration and collapse. However, this trend has changed its course during the past several years. A new generation of Iranian intellectuals, academics and educated people is gradually moving away from the political Islam and traditional religious values toward a more universal and secular approach to various issues of society and the nation.

The progressive “Green Movement,” that emerged amidst the controversial presidential elections of June 2009, can be considered as the social and political manifestations of this new tendency. Upon a series of bloody clashes with the regime during the post-elections turmoil of June 2009, the movement has turned to radical and secular nationalistic slogans that aim at the very foundation of the religious system.

What is the substance of this new nationalistic awareness? How far this movement is capable to pressure the regime for fundamental changes? What are the implications of changes for the domestic and foreign affairs of the nation?

Read More....

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Iran: Islamization vs. Secularization

Iran: Islamization vs. Secularization
Ali Asghar Kazemi
November 2009

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Introduction
The controversial presidential elections of June 2009, which ignited a social crisis in Iran, had a definite impact on the society and truly polarized the nation in two antagonistic camps: pro-government conservative hard-liners on one side and reformist opposition groups on the other. At first the quarrel was limited to the results of the elections which were alleged to be performed with widespread frauds. Ruthless reaction of the government to peaceful manifestations of the unconvinced people pushed the opposition to take a much more radical stand against the whole Islamic regime. This prompted the religious leader to find about the cause and origin of this prolonged crisis which is still threatening the very foundation of the system.

Radical conservatives, while claiming foreign involvement in this turmoil, believe that the Islamization process should continue with much stronger vigor until the nation has converted to zealous followers and supporters of the religious regime. Reformists on the other hand contest that the crisis is a natural response of the people to years of repressive rule, deception and injustice. They express the opinion that as long as the country is under a backward system of government, democratic changes are almost impossible. They believe that Islam has limited capacity for transformation and adaptation to the needs of our time. Therefore, they suggest that secularization is an inevitable and necessary trend of the future of Iran.

Despite earnest attempts of the ruling regime in Iran to impose the strict law of Shari’a, as interpreted by the Shiite doctrine, the result was frustrating. Thus seemingly, the process of Islamization of all vital sectors of the society during the past three decades was quite unsuccessful. We have said that some political elites have singled out Western “social Sciences” taught at the higher education, as the main cause for this failure. Some others are still trying to put the blame on “Western imperialism” and enemies of Islam, who are incessantly conspiring to topple the Islamic regime.

To what extent these arguments hold true in present Iran? What are the main causes of the young generation distancing from Islamic traditional principles and leaning towards secular values? Why those who were brought up in the Islamic environment are now rising up against the ruling system and reject the Islamization process under the guise of what we may label “national secularism”? Read More....

Iran, Islam, and Secular Social Sciences

Iran, Islam, and Secular Social Sciences
Ali Asghar Kazemi
October 2009
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Introduction
In our previous commentary on the problem of Iran’s recent social turmoil after the presidential elections of June 12, 2009, we alluded to the issue of “Social Sciences” that has caused widespread alarm among conservative hard-liners.
In that article the emphasis was made essentially on the question of religion in general and Islam in particular as an ideological dynamic, influencing the function of society in the domain of human actions and interactions. It was argued that religion has to do with human mind, ideas, the belief system, values, attitudes, and behavior. While politics as an interdisciplinary branch of social sciences deals essentially with the pursuit of power and to some extent the distribution of values in society. Thus, the marriage of the two may inhibit man from his choice between the rational and the spiritual. This is indeed a major dilemma on the way of an ordinary citizen who wants to remain aloof of the impact of official creeds, unless he lets himself dragged by the formalistic rituals of the dominant religion. Read More...

Iran: Roots of the Post-Elections Crisis

Iran: Roots of the Post-Elections Crisis
Ali Asghar Kazemi
October 2009
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“A new world society is gradually emerging.
It is growing quietly, imperceptibly in the minds
and hearts of men. The tumult and the excitement,
the anger and the violence, the perplexity of spirit
and the ambiguities of expressing are the pangs of
the birth of something new. We of this generation
are called upon to work for this new order with all
the strength and capacity for suffering we possess.

S. Radhakrishnan[1]

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Introduction
Thirty years after the advent of the revolution, that brought an Islamic regime in Iran, religious leaders are still looking for ways and means to transform the society into a rigid bloc of faithful and zealous citizens who fully submit to the official principles and precepts put forward by them. While during the past three decades every effort has been made to disseminate religious teachings at all levels of public education, from the kindergartens to the universities, seemingly the result has been frustrating.
The post-presidential elections public turmoil, that brought the country to the brink of a real social revolution, was another vivid indication that the whole scheme of “Islamization” of the society was an ineffective and futile social investment. Since, the effort merely counter-produced and youngsters who were brought up with Islamic rigorous teachings after the revolution simply did not show interest to them and much less to obey them blindfolded. Indeed, this phenomenon should not surprise anybody who has a little familiarity with the very rudimentary concepts of the philosophy of education and social sciences.
More...

Rise of New Nationalism in Iran

Rise of “New Nationalism” in Iran
Ali Asghar Kazemi
October 2009
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The “Green Movement” that emerged in the midst of presidential campaign 2009 in Iran, gained momentum after the unconvinced defeat of reformist candidates and became a genuine and strong opposition front challenging the very foundation of the Islamic regime. The more the hardliners pressed upon the movement with the intention to wipe out once for all its driving force, the more it tended towards radical nationalistic slogans and acquired anti-regime propensity.
While the Islamic government does not mind the resurgence of the people’s nationalistic fervor upon which it could embark in case its survival is threatened by foreign threats, nonetheless, it seems determined to confront with all force the growing danger of the “Green Movement” to its internal security. Recent horrific clashes with masses protesting in the streets in the post-elections manifestations are vivid indication that the hard-liners would not allow the demonstrations for reform turn into a real revolution.
How far the Islamic regime is capable to contain the movement or benefit from the revival Iranian nationalism without being victim itself of this reawakening phenomenon? More...

Strategic Implications of Nobel Peace Prize for Obama

Strategic Implications of Nobel Peace Prize for Obama
A. A. Kazemi
October 10, 2009
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Whatever the true intention and justification behind the decision of the Committee of Nobel Peace Prize to give this prestigious award to Barack Obama, the event should be optimistically taken as a heavenly grace for peace and order in the Middle East in general and Iran in Particular. Though previous politician winners of the prize failed to achieve much in this respect, there is hope that at this critical point of time, when Iran is under increasing pressure and military threats from outside, President Obama would feel very reluctant to opt for a harsh and hostile strategy against the Islamic regime for its nuclear ambitions. More...

Struggling in Two Fronts for Survival

Struggling in Two Fronts for Survival

A. A. Kazemi
October 2, 2009
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Iranian hard-line conservatives are caught in an appalling stalemate in the post-election period. On the one hand, they are facing growing opposition at home in the wake of the unconvinced presidential elections that truly polarized the nation on the credibility and legitimacy of the new government. On the other hand, they are under increasing international pressure for their deceiving maneuvers on the question of nuclear activities. Recent revelations about new enrichment site came as an unambiguous indication that despite its recurrent negation, the Islamic regime is aimed at acceding to a nuclear power status.
Since the mass uprising of 1979 that ended up into the collapse of the monarchic regime, the events which followed the presidential elections of June 12, 2009 will be remembered as a new keystone in contemporary history of Iran. Threatened from abroad for its nuclear ambitions and vulnerable inside for its horrendous performance, the Islamic regime is helplessly fighting in two fronts for its survival.
How far the Islamic hard-liners are capable to carry on successfully the fight in two decisive battlegrounds? What are the plausible outcomes of this concurrent struggle in domestic and international fronts? More....

Iran's National Security and the Nuclear Gamble

Iran’s National Security and the Nuclear Gamble
A. A. Kazemi
September 27, 2009
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Recent revelations by US president Obama about Iran’s new secret nuclear site in the vicinity of the religious city of Qom came as a new shock to the already soured relations of the Islamic regime with the West. The timing of this disclosure was quite cleverly calculated by Washington. This came while the United Nations General Assembly was in its regular yearly session and the newly reappointed Iranian president Ahmadinejad was visiting the United States, leaving behind the post-election crisis at home.
How far the new divulgation is susceptible to cause structural trouble for the Islamic Republic, which is now in its deepest political hurdle at home and lowest credibility at the international level? Can Iran continue to gamble on its nuclear undertaking and defy the upcoming fourth resolution on the agenda of the 5+1 powers for the UN Security Council? More...

Iran's Post-Election Political Environment

Iran’s Post- Election Political Environment
A. A. Kazemi
September 25, 2009
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« Il y’ a beaucoup de choses que ne valent pas la peine d’être dites, et il y’a beaucoup de gens qui ne valent pas que les autres choses leur soient dites, cela fait beaucoup de silence ! »

« There are many things that are not worthy to be said and there are many people whom are not worthy that the other things be said to them, this makes a lot of silence!”

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Silence is Gold

Indeed, “silence is gold” at a time when public uprising swabs intellectual discourse. The last time I published an article was exactly on June 13, 2009, just the day after the presidential elections in Iran. The comment was a short review on the amazing result of the election and its plausible consequence for the country afterward. The title of the article bears good witness that we had to expect something unusual after the announcement of the results: “ Iran’s Elections 2009: The End of Hope for Peaceful Democratic Reforms.” I don’t intend here to imply that I had foreseen the social commotion that followed the election, but it is fair to say that there was some truth in the conclusions of the comment about the astonishing results which could spark the long-accumulated revulsion about political repression in Iran. More...

Iran's Elections 2009...

Iran’s Elections 2009:
The End of Hope for peaceful Democratic Reforms
Ali Asghar Kazemi
June 13, 2009
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Presidential elections of June 12, 2009 in Iran shall be remembered as the end of an era of democratic process toward political reform in a religious-revolutionary regime in Iran. Disregard of the outcome of the event, Iranians have been once again disheartened in their earnest attempt towards exercising their citizen rights in shaping their destiny for a brighter future.
What happened during the campaign for presidential elections in Iran which distinct it from the previous ones? What are the implications of this new trend for political development and democratic process in Iran? Who are the real winners and losers of this historic contest?

Read more

 

Who should be the Next President in Iran?

Ali Asghar Kazemi

May 20, 2009

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Almost three weeks away from the presidential elections in Iran, I have been asked by my students to give them some hints and advices regarding the most suitable candidate in the race. While I have my own personal views and preferences about the potential contenders, I feel very much reluctant to take side in public forum in favor of any of them at this particular point of time. Since, I believe, my duty as an academic is to shed light on the common traits of the would-be president in the present political and international environment of our country, rather than to speak in favor of any particular candidate.

In my previous comments regarding the presidential elections, I have listed a number of reasons for which people of various layers of the society may fell indifferent to participate in the process. Those considerations could still be valid as long as candidates do not explicitly clarify their positions with respect of a number of critical issues entailing the country and their concrete measures and policies to cure them. These issues encompass all sectors of the society including, social, economic, political, strategic, legal, environmental etc.

Of course, as I mentioned before, the president is not powerful enough to bring all the changes we might envisage. But, the least that he can achieve is to demonstrate his determination for change and to assure people of his resolve to cope with many socio-political malaises which inhibit the overall trend of the country towards democracy, human rights, justice and equity.

Here are some main points in my humble view to be considered in our choice of the next president for Iran: Read more

The Logic of War against Taliban and Talibanism

The Logic of War against Taliban and Talibanism
Ali Asghar Kazemi
May 15, 2009
____________________
Ever since September 11, 2009 events, Taliban and Talibanism have been chased and killed by masses, yet, they are still full of zeal and causing widespread troubles in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Recent Pakistani raids on their agglomerations on the initiative of the United States bring about a number of crucial problems about the rationality of Obama’s recent policy in this respect.
While I have no fond of these fanatical groups who fight with rudimentary means the most equipped and powerful forces representing the NATO, I have serious doubts about the logic of this protracted war and the humanitarian aspects involved therein.
In this short comment I venture to examine the flagrant flaws of American policy under Obama to open new fronts against Taliban in Pakistan with the objective of eradicating this movement, which supposedly is endangering the legitimate government of a nuclear power state. More...

Iran: Election and Political Apathy

Iran: Elections and Political Apathy
Ali Asghar Kazemi
May 7, 2009
________________

Aristotle described man as “political animal” on the ground that human being is compelled to live in collectivities within the boundaries of a political system. But, people are by no means equally concerned with political life. In other words, some people are indifferent and others are more concerned with political matters. Among this latter group, only a few get deeply and passionately involved in pursuit of power.
In open societies with developed democratic institutions and popular governments, opportunities for political participation of citizens are available and people are encouraged to get actively involved in formulating their demands through parties and interest groups. On the contrary, in oligarchic societies, citizens tend to choose apathetic approach to political realm and become relatively inactive in deciding their socio-political fate.
Political apathy is usually regarded as a social malaise in developed societies. In countries where civil society is still lagging behind traditional and fatalistic customs, apathy is a way of life to avoid hazards of political stratum. In this case, it is merely a cure manifested as conscious decision to cope with authoritarianism, demagoguery and repression in societies where expressing political opinions and criticisms are considered beyond the realm of citizen rights... More

Iran National Interests and Blind Radicalsm

Iran National Interests Victim of Blind Radicalism
Ali Asghar Kazemi
April 21, 2009
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Almost two months before the presidential elections in Iran, on April 20, 2009 president Ahmadinejad made another controversial speech at the UN Conference on Racism in Geneva (Durban II), creating further dismay about this country in world public opinion. While many observers were expecting some kind of softening in Iran’s position with respect to world critical issues at this juncture, the speech came as a cold shower to naïve wishful thinkers.
The unfortunate events that overshadowed the substance of the conference at its start, are now well known to all; since the show was covered live on many world TV’s. Besides Mr. Ahmadinejad direct allusion to Zionism and Israel, which prompted the mass walkout of European delegates from the conference room, he took on other critical issues such as racism, segregation and intolerance that nobody can logically deny the fact as indefensible plagues in many countries including Iran and the West. But, hearing such accusations from the mouth of a pompous character, whose intolerance takes regular victims even among his own entourage in the cabinet (let aside the critics and opposition groups) for expressing their views, is indeed very strange.
How much ideological drives are permitted to encroach upon national interests? Are these conflict-ridden statements intended to promote Iran’s national interests or to satisfy personal hatred of an obsessive individual who happens to assume the responsibility of a nation? ..More

Strategic Games in the Middle East

Strategic Games in the Middle East

Ali Asghar Kazemi
March 5, 2009

______________________

On March 4, 2009 the Islamic Republic of Iran hosted a two-day international conference on Gaza and Israeli breach of humanitarian law and war crimes against Palestinians during the recent armed conflict between the two hostile parties. The conference took place after a similar meeting in Egypt backed by the United States for the reconstruction of Gaza Strip that endured severe material and human losses during the 22-day conflict. While the two conferences had more or less similar themes, they followed diverse objectives. The Gaza conflict can be visualized as a set of strategic games in which actors involved pursued different aims in the Middle East political arena.

How various actors perceive the games they are playing in the Middle East? What are the objectives, gains and losses pursued by rival states? What are the plausible outcome and implications of the games? More

 

Iran: Reform vs. Revolution

Ali Asghar Kazemi

________________________________

“Men do not start revolutions in a sudden passion… Revolutions do not spring overnight. Revolutions come from the long suppression of human spirit. Revolutions come because men know that they have rights and they are disregarded.”

Woodrow Wilson*[1]

Revolution is an old concept in social theory. It has several distinctive indicators that make it different from other kinds of social events and political phenomena, such as coup d’état, rebellion and insurgency. The first and most obvious is that revolution has a large popular support. Secondly, it has a leadership who directs the movement and social forces. Finally, it aims at a redistribution of political power[2], although social, economic and cultural changes may not accompany this change. How can we explain revolutionary movements in our present international order? How much religious fervor in the Middle East is leading to revolution? Why people prefer revolution to reform? More

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Prospects for Iran-US Negotiations

Ali Asghar Kazemi

April 9, 2009

________________________

Barrack Obama’s Nowruz message to Iranians and leaders of the Islamic regime leaves the impression that the new US president intends to demonstrate that he is sincere to put into action his presidential campaign promises with respect to Iran. He had pledged to open direct talks with Iran for the purpose of alleviating the mutual misperceptions accumulated during the past 30 years with the purpose of paving the path for normalization of relations through diplomacy. While the Iranian supreme leader did not reject categorically the offer in response, he nonetheless used harsh words to criticize the United States past policies and advised the new president to take real actions in order to prove his good intentions.

Assuming that the two parties are indeed ready to engage into some sort of talks and negotiations, before this could materialized two important questions should be clarified: first, how to negotiate; and second, what to negotiate? It seems that without resolving these essential problems any ushering of the talks would be doomed to failure. This short comment shall try to discuss briefly the matter as preliminary thoughts on the point. More

* Ali-Asghar Kazemi ( Profile)

cerebral palsy

Profile

Rear admiral 2nd. ( Ret.) Iranian Navy.
Professor of International Law and Politics, International Relations and Environmental Law.
Former professor at the National Defense University, Tehran -Iran.
Former Dean of the Graduate School of Law and Political Science, Islamic Azad University ( Science and Research Branch ) Tehran-Iran.

Was Legal Adviser to the the Commander in Chief of the Iranian Navy and Iranian Foreign Ministry and Member of Iranian Delegation to the UN Third Law of the Sea Conference (UNCLOS III), and UN Preparatory Commission for the Law of the Sea Tribunal.

Has been involved in Iran-Iraq peace talks, and was a member of the Cease-fire Committee and the Legal Committee in charge of War Damage Assessment.

He was Legal Adviser and Member of Iranian Delegation to the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) for the Airbus incident (Montreal, Canada 1988).

He has participated in various national and international conferences including  the Workshop on Compensation for Oil Pollution Damage, organized by the Marine Emergency Mutual Aid Center (MEMAC), an organ of the Regional Organization for the Protection of the Marine Environment (ROPME), in Bahrain, 1994.

He has written extensively on various legal, political, strategic and environmental aspects of the Middle East , Persian Gulf.and the world. He is a winner of the 'Book of the Year Prize', Islamic Republic of Iran for his book titled :International Relations in Theory and Practice (1994).

He is also the winner of the first prize for research oriented to Iran-Iraq War for his book titled : Legal Dimensions of the Prospects for Peace Between Iran and Iraq,( 1999).

Medal of Knowledge for scholarly works before the revolution in 1974.

Dr. Kazemi is a graduate of The French Ecole du Commissariat de la Marine Nationale. Holds M.S. in Management Science from the United States Naval Post-Graduate School, Monterrey, California(1971). He also holds M.A., M.A.L.D., and PhD from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Medford, Massachusetts.(1976-1979).

Professor Kazemi has been Legal Counsel representing the Islamic Republic of Iran's claim to the United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC) for environmental damages caused by Iraqi aggression against Kuwait in 1991.The case was under consideration by the expert panels of the UNCC in Geneva-Switzerland.

The Following is a List of Books in Persian

By : Ali-Asghar Kazemi

1. Modern Diplomacy in an age of Revolution in International Relations ,Tehran: Institute for Political and International Studies(IPIS), 1985. Bibliography, Index.

2. International Crises Management, Tehran : Institute for Political and International Studies (IPIS) , 1986. Bib.,Index.

3. The Role of Power in Society and International Relations , Tehran : Ghomes Publisher, 1988 . Bib., Index.

4. Legal Dimensions of Iran's Sovereignty in the Persian Gulf. Tehran: Institute for Political and International Studies(IPIS), 1988, 1991, 1993.Bib.,Index.

5. Integration Theory in International Relations , Tehran: Ghomes Publisher, 1988. Bibliography, Index.

6. International Relations in Theory and Practice, Tehran: Ghomes Publisher, 1993, 1995,1998.Bibliography ,Index. ( Winner of the Book of the Year Prize, 1994)

7. The Crises of Modernity and Political Culture in Contemporary Iran, Tehran : Ghomes Publisher, 1996. Bibliography, Index.
( See PowerPoint short presentation of this book)

8. Ethics and Politics: Political Thoughts in Praxis , Tehran: Ghomes Publisher, 1996. Bibliography , Index.

9. Method and Insight in Politics, ( A Philosophical , Scientific and Methodological Approach) , Tehran: Institute for Political and International Studies
(IPIS), 1995. Bib.,Index.

10. Politimetrics: Quantitative Methods in Politics and International Relations, Tehran: IPIS. 1995. Bib. ,Index.

11. Legal Dimensions of the Prospects for Peace between Iran and Iraq, Tehran, Islamic Cultural Propagation Publishing Co. 1998. (First Prize Winner of the 8th Anniversary of the Iran-Iraq War. 2000) . Bib., Index.

12. Linkage politics and International Relations, Tehran, Ghomes Publishing Co., 1991, Bib., Index.

13. The Crisis Of Modern Society , Moral and Cultural Decline of Modernity, Tehran : Islamcpo Publishing Co. 1999. Bib., Index.

14. Public Policy and Political Management, Tehran : Islamcpo Publishing Co. 2000 .Bibliography , Index.
15. The Seven Pillars of Politics , Tehran: Islamcpo Publishing Co. 2000. Bib., Index.

16. Globalization of Culture and Politics, A Critical and Epistemological Analysis. Tehran : Ghoomes Publishing Co. 2001. pp.335 + Bib. + Index.

17. The End of Politics and the Last Myth : Critical Order in the Post-Political 21st Century. Tehran : Ghoomes Publishing Co. 2001.

List of Selected Articles in Persian
The Following is a List of more recent Articles in Persian, published in Iranian Journals


1- "The United Nations Organization and the New World Order,"in : Iranian Journal of Strategic and Defense Studies , National Defense University, Tehran, 1999.
2- "Idealism and Realism in Foreign Policy," in Iranian Journal of Foreign Policy,No4(11),1998 3- "Conceptualization about Culture and Civilization," in Political and Economic Journal ( Ettela 'at) , No.141-142, 2000.Please refer to the "File"
4- "The Distorted Knowledge: Reflection on the 20th Century Political Thought," in Political and Economic Journal ( Ettela'at) No.133-134, 1998.
5-" Method and Insight in Political Theory," Political and Economic Journal ( Ettela'at) No. 121-122, 1998.
7- "A Journey to Tajikistan," Central Asia and the Caucasus Review, No. 16. 1996 , The Foreign Ministry of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
8- " A Critical Analysis of Political Methodology," Political and Economic Journal (Ettela'at) , No.113-114. 1996.
9-" Theory of Surplus Value in Cultural Exchange Among Nations," Political and Economic Journal (Ettela'at) No.99-100. 1995.
10- " The United Nations Organizations at the Threshold of the 21st Century," Iranian Journal of Foreign Policy. No.1( 14), 2000.
11- " Civil Consciousness and Civil Society," Collected Papers of the Seminar on Civil Society, Ministry of Culture ,Tehran, Iran. 1997.
12- " The End of Politics and the Last Myth : Critical Order in the World of 21st Century" Political and Economic Journal ( Ettela'at), No.161-162. Winter ,2001.
13- " Ethical Foundations of Republican State," Collected Papers of the Seminar on Republic.., Ministry of Culture , Tehran, Iran. 1998.
14-" Theory of Cultural Exchange and the Dialogue Between Civilizations," Collected Papers of the Seminar of The Dialogue of Civilizations, Ministry of Culture , Tehran , Iran.1999.
.15-"The Post-Political Condition".. in Political and Economic Journal ( Ettela'at), No. 163-164. Spring , 2001. . See File in Persian. . . . . . .


... . . . . . . . . .

 List of papers and Articles in English & French:

 By Subjects 

 

General

•  Reflection on Time, Space and Being in a New Context

• Crisis of Governance and new Generation of World Leaders
• The Global Context of Knowledge
• Shadow of a new Cold War
• The New Cold War (3)
• The New Cold War (2)
• The Battleground of a New Cold War(1)
• The Art of Living in Terror
• The Logic of War against Taliban and Talibanism
• Legality of ICC Action against Sudan President 

• The Power of People plus Media
• Quantum Politics: New Methodological Perspective
• Dynamic versus Static Political Inquiry  
• * The Rise of the Guardian State (1) 
•  *The Guardian State (2) 
•  * The Guardian State (3)

       

Iran-US Relations

• Prospects for Iran-US Negotiations
• Strategic Implications of Nobel Peace Prize for Obama
• US Democrats are Pushing Iran to the Corner
• Obama and a World of Expectations
• Iran-US Relations: From Enmity to Rivalry
• Barack Obama and Iran (After Election)
• Obama: On the Footsteps of the White House!
• Diplomacy and Subversion: Iran-US Dialogue
• Iran and U.S. Democrats
• US Sanctions against Academics
• Who's Dialogue? Iran-U.S. Hostile Flirt
• The Russian Connection
• Obama: Between Idealism and Realism

Middle East

• Crisis Proliferation in the Middle East
• Tunisia Crisis Turned into a Revolution
• Tunisia Crisis: A Call for Change in the Middle East

• Strategic Games in the Middle East
• Strategic Implications of the Gaza Conflict
• US Economic Crisis and the Middle East
• Hope for Middle East Peace
• Common Sense Strategy: US and the Middle East
• Mid-East Crisis Outcome...
• Message of the Preemptive Strike on Syria
• The Illusion of the "Greater Middle East"
• Middle East Crisis Consequences
• Iran and the Middle East Crisis( Q&A)
• The Fate of a Dictator
• Middle East New Turmoil...
• Bush's Agenda for Victory
• The Shadow of Terror over Iraq
• If Iraq Falls Apart:A Worst Case Scenario
• Strategic Implications of WMD Proliferation in the Middle East
• Security Dilemma and Threat perception in the Persian Gulf
• The Legality of U.S. Armed Intervention...

• Crisis Proliferation in the Middle East
• Tunisia Crisis Turned into a Revolution
• UN Security Council has the Duty to Liberate Libya...
• The Birth of a New Middle East 
• The Wider Implications of Military Intervention in Libya

Nuclear Issues

• Iran's Nuclear Issue: Beyond Conventional Wisdom

• Iran at a Critical Crossroads
• Iran's Nuclear Crisis is not over
• Beyond Conventional Wisdom! The Logic of Iran's Defiance
• Iran Facing UN Sanctions
• Iran: The New Parliament and the Nuclear Case
• Iran: Deadline, Defiance and Denial
• Iran: Heading for UN Sanctions
• Nuclear Delusion and Public Jubilation!
• NIE Report and Iran's Nuclear Challenge
• Iran Testing West's Resolve on Nuclear Issue
• Iran's Nuclear Euphoria

Political and Social Issues 

• Obstacles on the Way of Iran New President
• Iran: Hope for Moderation and Rationality !

•  Iran: Reform vs. Revolution 
  

  •   Iran: Elections and Political Apathy
• Iran National Interests Victim of Blind Radicalism
• Iran's Elections 2009: The End of peaceful democratic Reforms
• Who should be the Next President in Iran
• Dilemma of Iran's Next President
• Iran: Corruption Scandal and Political Campaign
• Iran: Affluence amid Poverty 
• Iran's Selective Elections
• Iran's Revolution and Military in Politics
• Iran: New Space Partner
• Iran: Political Impact of the Cold
• The Persian Hypocrisy(3)
• Politics and Hypocrisy (2)
• Politics and Hypocrisy (1)
• Pax Persica Remembered
• The Political Will of the Persian King
• The Third Generation of Iran's Revolution
• The Dream of "Pax Persica"
• Towards “Secular Nationalism” in Iran
• Iran: Islamization vs. Secularization
• Iran, Islam, and Secular Social Sciences
• Iran: Roots of the Post-Elections Crisis
• Rise of "New Nationalism" in Iran
• Struggling on two Fronts for Survival
• Iran's National Security and the Nuclear Gamble
• Iran's Post-Elections Political Environment

Foreign Policy and Strategy

• Iran Should Avoid Tension in the Persian Gulf
• The Fate of Iran’s Nuclear Issue in 2011
• Political Constraints of Iran’s Economic Reform

• Iran's Foreign Policy: The New Conservative Phase
• The Dilemma of Iran's Foreign Policy...
• Iran-U.S. Dialogue: Exhaustion of Diplomatic Remedies
• Iran's Nuclear Gamble:Boldness vs.Prudence
• Iran: The Moment of Truth
• Iran-U.S. Dialogue
• Strategy of Asymmetric War
• The Hidden Message of Iran's Letter to U.S. President
• A Letter to the "Great Satan"
• Iran's Quest for Regional Hegemony
• Iran: Preparing for “Soft War”
• Iran, Beating the War Drums!

Articles en Français

• L’Iran et le Défit Nucléaire
• La crise de Moyen-Orient...
• L'Iran: vers les sanctions de l'ONU
  L'Art de Vivre en Terror
• L'Illusion du " Nouveau Moyen-Orient"
• Conséquences de crise de Moyen-Orient
• L'Iran et la Crise du Moyen-Orient (Q&R)
• Nouvelles agitations en Moyen-Orient...

• Épreuve de l’ouest sur la question nucléaire d’Iran
• L’Iran et la Troisième Génération de la Révolution
• Quel dialogue? Irano- Américain Flirt Hostile
• Le Dialogue Irano Américain: Épuisement des remèdes diplomatiques

• Stratégie de guerre asymétriqueL'Iran: Le moment de la vérité
• La politique étrangère de l'Iran
• Le message caché de la lettre de l'Iran aux États-Unis
• Une Letter au "Grand Satan
• Euphorie Nucléaire de l'Iran...Le rêve de "Pax Persica"

Articles Sorted by Dates

• Iran: Preparing for “Soft War”
• Iran, Beating the War Drums!

• The Russian Connection
• Obama: Between Idealism and Realism
• Towards “Secular Nationalism” in Iran

• Iran: Islamization vs. Secularization
• Iran, Islam, and Secular Social Sciences
• Iran: Roots of the Post-Elections Crisis
• Rise of "New Nationalism" in Iran

• Strategic Implications of Nobel Peace Prize for Obama
• Struggling in two Fronts for Survival
• Iran's National Security and the Nuclear Gamble
• Iran's Post-Elections Political Environment

• Iran's Elections 2009: The End of peaceful democratic Reforms
• Who should be the Next President in Iran
• The Logic of War against Taliban and Talibanism
• Iran: Elections and Political Apathy

• Iran National Interests Victim of Blind Radicalism
• Prospects for Iran-US Negotiations
• Legality of ICC Action against Sudan President
• Strategic Games in the Middle East

• Dilemma of Iran's Next President
• US Democrats are Pushing Iran to the Corner
• Obama and a World of Expectations
• Strategic Implications of the Gaza Conflict

• Iran-US Relations: From Enmity to Rivalry
• Barack Obama and Iran (After Election)
• Crisis of Governance and new Generation of World Leaders
• US Economic Crisis and the Middle East
• 
  

• Iran at a Critical Crossroads
• Obama: On the Footsteps of the White House!
• Iran: The New Parliament and the Nuclear Case

• Message of the Preemptive Strike on Syria
• Iran: Affluence amid Poverty
• Iran's Selective Elections

• Nuclear Delusion and Public Jubilation!
• Iran's Revolution and Military in Politics
• Iran: New Space Partner

• NIE Report and Iran's Nuclear Challenge
• The Global Context of Knowledge
• Iran: Political Impact of the Cold

• The Persian Hypocrisy(3)
• Politics and Hypocrisy (2)
• Politics and Hypocrisy (1)

• Iran's Nuclear Crisis is not over
• US Sanctions against Academics
• Hope for Middle East Peace

• Shadow of a new Cold War
• Pax Persica Remembered
• The Political Will of the Persian King

• Diplomacy and Subversion: Iran-US Dialogue
• Common Sense Strategy: US and the Middle East
• Beyond Conventional Wisdom!
• The Logic of Iran's Defiance

• The New Cold War (3)
• The New Cold War (2)
• The Battleground of a New Cold War(1)

• Bush's Agenda for Victory
• Iran Facing UN Sanctions
• Iran and U.S. Democrats
• The Fate of a Dictator

Monographs and Articles in English



1-" Environmental Damage Assessment and Loss Valuation : Criteria and Techniques". 1998 . Prepared for the Environmental Claim of Iran Presented to the United Nations Compensation Commission UNCC. 1999. To see the new edition of the text click here to Download the File No.1.

2- "Legal Basis of Iraq's International Responsibility for Compensation, with Respect to Damage Caused to the Environment During its Aggression Against and Occupation of Kuwait.1990.-1991. Environmental Claim....1999. To see the text click here to download the File No.2.
3-"Environmental Setting of Iran Before and After the Persian Gulf War." Environmental Claim... 1999.New edition, Spring , 2001. To see the new edition of theText click here to download the File No.3.

4-"Aggression Related Damage to Iran's Environment and Natural Resources: The Case of
Iraq-Kuwait War of 1990-1991," Environmental Claim......1997. New Edition Spring 2001.. To see the Text click here todownload the File No.4.

5-Religion and Politics: In Search of Compatibility and Compromise - With Special Reference to Islam and Iran . ( Monograph ) 1986

6-" Peace Through Deception : The Iran-Iraq Correspondence," in Farhang Rajaee, Iranian Perspectives on the Iran-Iraq War.. University Press of Florida, 1997. ISBN 0-8130-1476-X.
http://www.upf.com/Spring1997/rajaee.html

7-"Development and the Issue of Transit: The Case of Land-locked States of Central Asia
and Caucasia " Iranian Journal of Foreign Policy, !994

8- Iran's Maritime Strategy in the Persian Gulf, Monograph ,1978.

9- Toward a Regional Sea Concept in a New Maritime Environment: Problems, Prospects and Implications for International Relations. PhD. Dissertation, The Fletcher School of law and Diplomacy, Medford , Massachussetts,1978.http://www.library.tufts.edu/ginn/los.htm

10-" The Issue of Neutrality in Contemporary International Armed Conflicts" .( Monograph-1987)
. . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . .

Monographs in Persian




1- The Law of War and Neutrality at Sea , Tehran, 1972, Revised in1982, pp. 350

2- The Sea in International Relations, Tehran, 1973, Revised in 1983, pp. 400.

3- War and International Trade at Sea., Tehran , 1973. Revised in 1982. pp. 360 .

4- The Law of Environment, Tehran, 1985.

5- Collected Papers and Short Articles [on Strategy, Persian Gulf War and International Relations ] (1979-1987), Three Volumes.

6- Collected Literary Works ( 1962-1976) Three Volumes.

7- International Law of the Sea, Collected Reports of the United Nations Third Law of the
Sea Conference, Ministry of Foreign Affairs ,Tehran , Iran.1974-1983.









Current Academic Function

Former Dean of the The Graduate School of Law and Political Science, Research and Science Campus of the Islamic Azad University, March 2003- September 2005. Currently professor of international Law and International Relations.



Books

Currently I have two books under publication by Ghoomes Publishing Co. in Tehran .The first is Globalization of Culture and politics . . . . . and the second is the most controversial work I have ever done , that is : The End of Politics and the Last Myth : Critical Order in the Post -Political 21st Century . Both books cover issues and problems of our time, viewed from a critical and epistemological perspective. I hope the first one will come out of print before the beginning of the next academic year in September 2001. The second book shall eventually come out not later than next December.
Currently , I am working on a new book related to an important subject of Public International Law. The writing of the main body of the book is already finished. I am in the process
of checking the content and citations. I hope to get it published during the next Iranian year.

Articles


I have published two articles recently , both dealing with the much
disputed theory of " The End of Politics . . . " In fact, they have been taken
from the aforementioned book : The End of Politics. . . Another article in the same series will be published very soon by the same Journal i.e. Political and Economic Ettela'at in Tehran -Iran. For more recent papers in English see this site Documents


Courses


Next fall I will be teaching the following courses at
PhD. Level :
- Methodology in Political Science
- The Law of War and Neutrality
- Crisis Management
- Political Institutions and Public Policy


Seminars

I have presented a paper in a Seminar organized by the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, School of International Relations on the occasion of the Centennial of Diplomatic Training in Iran. The paper is titled : " Diplomacy, Ethics and National Interests."
On March 4th.2003 I have delivered a speech on the subject " Strategic Ambiguity in
Confronting with Crisis of Iraq,"in The 13th International Conference on the Persian Gulf :
"The Persian Gulf in the Light of Global Changes & Regional Developments."
I have prepared a paper on "The Legality of U.S. Armed Interventions and Prospects for Peace and Democracy in the Middle East," which was presented to the Regional Security Conference this coming August 2003 in Athens ,Greece.(Text)
A second short paper was presented to Persian Gulf Security Group during the same conference in Athens: "The Future of the Persian Gulf Security in the Light of Recent U.S. Armed
Intervention in Iraq" (Text)


Miscellaneous

It was revealed very recently through the United Nations media network that a total amount of $ 17 million was allocated to the Governmental bodies of the Islamic Republic of Iran ( Including the Ministry of Jihad . . . ) , as a partial and peripheral amount claimed by this
latter for the purpose of undertaking a number of monitoring research
projects for the evaluation of damage caused to maritime and terrestrial
environment of Iran during and after the Iraqi aggression against Kuwait
in 1990-1991. For a detail account of the case , please refer to the appropriate files, in this Site.
It is worthwhile to note that nothing in this respect has been so far
brought to the attention of interested parties through official channels of the
Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs , in charge of pursuing the case
through the United Nations Compensation Commission ( UNCC ) in Geneva,
Switzerland. /