Monday, February 05, 2001

* The End of Politics and the Last Myth..(Excerpt)











Ali -Asghar Kazemi




` The End Of Politics and The Last Myth

( Critical Order in the Post-Political 21st. Century )





Tehran- Autumn 2000

















Preface

In exposing our ideas and thoughts, we are usually guided by our ideals and wishes or normative requirements of our life, rather than concrete facts and realities. In other words, we are tempted to see the world and its various phenomenon in the way we like them or we think they ought to be rather than the way they really are. This tendency is even valid when we try to comprehend abstract concepts we are usually faced with in social and human sciences. Concepts such as freedom, justice , human rights, law, and politics are among those which to everyone's mind have special meanings and connotations. This seems more or less natural to open-minded people, but may not be quite obvious to many.

This prologue is written with a dual purposes. Firstly for those readers who might be caught by surprise or perhaps stupefaction in seeing the unusual title: The End of Politics.. . Thus,before they embark to question the logic of such a bold endeavor, I shall be the first to query the matter and try to explain the circumstances which led to the present undertaking. Secondly, to emphasize that this theory ,or rather hypothesis ,should be viewed as an attempt to suggest a new way of looking at the traditional field of political science and international relations with a view to examine their suitability and capacity in explaining the state of affairs at the beginning of the 21st. century. Thus, The End of Politics shall be considered as a "normative theory" like many other old and new ones in the field of social sciences . Normative theories usually do not respond to empirical facts, and are merely the product of critical reflection and epistemological examination of a concept or a field of knowledge, such as history , ideology or , in this case , politics, which can be the preoccupation of thinkers ,scholars and students of social sciences , anywhere and at anytime.

What you will read in this book is the product of a progressive development of the author's conception of politics during a rather long period of time.This began from a mere curiosity and, passing through many years of professional and academic experiences in various fields of social sciences, such as law, politics,culture etc., is now coming to its conclusions and is now presented for evaluation. Those who are familiar with other books and writings of this pen have perhaps realized the critical and ethical approach of the author to various problems of law, politics and international relations. What makes this book and its message different from the others is the explicit language employed in it to challenge the very foundation and substance of politics and political science at the beginning of the 21st. century and the third millennium. Perhaps, nobody has so far dared to question the rationale of politics which to the great philosopher of all times ,Aristotle ,was considered as " The Master Science."

The author is fully conscious of the gravity of the contention and, at this stage , having completed this venture , look forward to receiving views and critiques with the hope to further polish the subject. I sincerely expect that The End of Politics.. will attract academic debates and generate useful theoretical discussions among students of the field.



A. A. K.

Tehran, 26 January 2001
















Contents



- Prefa ce


- Introduction


Chapter One- The Legacy of Politics

1- Politics as a Myth
2- The Heritage of the 20th. Century
3- 21st. Century, The Beginning of the Ends
4- The End of Politics: A Conceptual Proposition
5- The " Critical Order" Hypothesis

Chapter Two- Explanations of "The End of Politics"Theory
1-Ontological Critique of Politics
2- Epistemological Deconstruction of Objectives and Functions of Politics
3- The Collapse of Political Science and Theory
4- The Demise of Politics: Entering The Post-Political Era
5- The Metaphor of Homo Politicus

Chapter Three- The End Of Politics: Challenges to the Post-Political State
1- Functional Challenges to the Political Sphere
2- Politics and Power
3- Politics and Legitimacy
4- Politics and Ideology
5 -Politics and Culture


Chapter Four- The End of Politics :Epistemological Crises

1- Impact of Changes on Human Knowledge
2- The Crisis of Political Knowledge
3- The Crisis of Political Methodology
4 - The Post- Behavioral Movement in the Post-Political Era


Chapter Five - Critical Order in The Post-Political World

1- Society, Order and the State of Nature
2- Social Order and The World Peace
3- Critical Order: Definition and Theoretical Framework
4- Critical Order: The Functional Approach
5- Critical Order: The Fuzzy Logic Approach


Chapter Six- Dimensions of the Critical Order


1- Linkage Between Various Dimensions of Order
2- The Socio- Political Order
3- The Legal Order
4- The Economic Order
6- Preserving the Balance Between Various Orders


Chapter Seven- The New World System and the Critical Order

1- The New Order in a Chaotic World
2- The New World Order : Roots and Ranges
3- The End of the Cold War and its Impact on the World Order
4- International Relations after the Cold War
5- The New Structure of Power in the Transition Period
6- Challenges Faced by the United Nations


Chapter Eight- Impact of Crises on the Post-Political Conditions

1- The Crisis of Knowledge: New Concepts and Ambiguities
2- The Crisis of Communication and Information
3- The Crisis of the Environment
4- T he Crisis of World Economy and International Debts
5- The Crisis of Security and Identity
6- Critical Order: The Gap Between Theory And Practice

Chapter Nine- Globalization and "The End of Politics " Theory

1- Globalization versus Localization
2- A World of Unity, Plurality or Differentiation
3- The Explanatory Power of International Relations Theory
4- International Relations and Critical Theory
5- The Grounds for Crises
6- The Conspiracy Theory
7- Threats to Civilizations from Inside
8- The Civilization Gaps and the Critical Order



Chapter Ten- The Prospects of the Post-Political Era: Alternative Paradigm


1- The Cultural Theory Paradigm
2- Politics Viewed from the Cultural Theory Approach
3- Culture, Management and the Containment of the Critical Order
4- Cultural Theory and the Mass Media Revolution
5-Cultural Theory and Post-Materialism
6-Cultural Theory and the Global Integration
7- Appraisal of the New Paradigm
8- Epilogue

- Bibliography

- Index









Introduction

At the beginning of the 21st century and the so-called post-modern era an important question trickles the mind. That is :" what happens to politics and political science in the coming age of cybernetics and information revolution"? Thinkers , social scientists and philosophers in the west have been more or less marginally addressing to the question , but nobody has so far argued anything much substantial and controversial about the logic and rationale of its very existence. Depending on whether we consider the post-modern as a special historical period with its various forces , patterns of actions and relations or we look at it as a certain discourse, the answer to the query might be different. In fact, on the one hand we are dealing with our worldview and research techniques and on the other hand we ponder upon relations between knowledge , thoughts , language and ordinary discourse for expressing them.

Politics, as an unavoidable necessity of social life , has passed through centuries of vicissitudes and challenges from the classical times to the revolutionary modern and now post-modern stages. Politics means differently to different peoples and societies, depending on their perceptions, attitudes , social structures, economic status and level of development. For some people there can be no collective life and civil society without politics. Others think that politics is merely an instrument of power in the hands of rulers to manipulate public opinion , covert actions, tricheries , unethical and dirty plays for the purpose of staying in power and benefiting from its privileges and prestige.
Among books , articles and academic arguments, nobody has so far spoken about " the end of politics." The reason is more or less clear. As one can expect, speaking about the end of many concepts , subjects and phenomena , such as history, science, ideology, the earth,the world and so on, though not quite facile , but is possible , provided one follows a proper methodological and conceptual research design. But, when we advance such bizarre argument in the field of " politics " things become rather hazy and confused. Because , for such an undertaking we encounter a number of ontological, epistemological, axiological as well as methodological barriers for which there are no ready and clear-cut answers . In fact, we want to demolish a huge construction which during many centuries its foundation has solidified like a mountain . Indeed , deconstruction of such a monumental phenomenon requires special tools and techniques which are not readily available and demands courage and boldness.


As I have stated in the preface of this volume, The End of Politics argument shall not be viewed from the standpoint of conventional empirical theories , but rather as an intuitive hunch which is more in tune with the field of social science. To put it in another way, this theory is, before anything else , the off-shoot of an idea suddenly sparkled in the mind , which then led the author to examine its validity or its tenability against opposing or competing paradigms. Thus, the present discussion shall be considered from this perspective.

The subject of " Critical Order ," which appears in the subtitle of this book, is also suggested as a complementary hypothesis that represent the post-political condition. It is borrowed from the " critical mass" theorem in physics. By analogy, the "critical order" is that level of order in a system( national or international) that can sustain chaotic situations without leading to violence, armed conflicts and total wars. By definition, this situation represents the present state of world order which is suspended between two extremes i.e. the " state of nature " and " the state of civility."

The present book consists of ten chapters. The first chapter deals essentially with the general concepts and the main arguments and hypotheses which shall be developed later.
After alluding to the mythical aspects of politics and its historical function,and the legacy of the 20th. century in mankind experience, we shall see how in the final years of that century a sudden proliferation of critical and ontological reflections on many aspects of social life and ideas such as : the end of history, the end of science, the end of ideology and so on has emerged in academic milieus especially in the west. The idea of The End of Politics and the Critical Order hypothesis in the post-political 21st century are thus exposed in this first chapter against this background.

Chapter two embarks to explain more thoroughly "the end of politics " as a theory.To that aim, an ontological , epistemological and methodological examination of politics and political science is followed in this chapter. Why political theories are no longer responsive to the requirement of our time?, what happens to the "political man" of Aristotle? why societies are thorn with conflicts and crises? Are we in fact entering the post-political era?.. These are the emerging questions which humanity is facing helplessly with at the threshold of the 21st century.

In chapter three ,functional challenges to the political sphere in the post-political period , with emphasis on principal concepts of this field such as: power, legitimacy, ideology, culture, etc. are examined. In this same chapter we shall see that the "end of politics" does not necessarily mean the end of controversies, conflicts and competitions over power and values within and between states. Rather, it signifies that mankind has reached to a stage that conventional wisdom and long-cherished social and political theories, instruments and mechanisms have lost their effectiveness and efficiency in managing human affaires in the emerging post-political societies.

Chapter four continues the theoretical examination of the previous chapter and explains the underlying reasons leading to methodological and epistemological crises in the field of politics in the past two or three decades ,which ended up to the rise of post-behavioral and post-structural movements. These movements, as we shall see, led to an undesired relativism which paved the way for interpretative methods and brought culture , norms and value to the study of


power, states and social forces in general and harshly challenged the whole body of knowledge related to political science.

Chapter five analyses the "critical order" hypothesis in the the post-political period. In this chapter, after a review of principle concepts and criteria of social order , the conceptual framework and functional aspects of critical order is discussed. Then, using the "fuzzy logic" approach, the notion of critical order in a dynamic system applied to political environment, is examined. The argument here is that low level tensions and chaos is inherent in every social system and shall not surprise or panic policy makers, provided that they are contained below the threshold which a society can tolerate without threatening its very existence ( i.e. leading to violence and war).

By definition, keeping the delicate balance in the critical order condition, requires that various dimensions of order in socio-political, legal, economic and moral spheres be properly maintained. Further more, this equilibrium shall be preserved in such a manner that no single actor or a coalition of them would be able to destroy it. Chapter six shall elaborate on these dimensions.

Chapters seven and eight, which are mainly taken from my International Relations in Theory and Practice, deals with the impacts of the end of cold war on the so-called new world order , new patterns of international relations and the related power structure in global system. Challenges faced by the United Nations in the coming years to maintain world peace and order are dealt with in chapter seven. Chapter eight examines more specifically the nature of crises in the realms of communications, environment, international debts etc. with a critical analysis of conditions which cause the ever widening gap between theory and practice.

Chapter nine presents a critical examination of the globalization trend from the perspective of the post-political conditions. Theoretical as well as practical controversies between two opposing views i.e. "globalization" versus "localization" have made various cultures and civilizations conscious of their being and identity , thus rising the chances of their confrontation. misunderstandings and prejudices on the one side and overestimation of the dimensions and depth
of the globalization phenomenon on the other. It is further argued that existing political and international theories and paradigms are not potent enough to explain the situation , and less so to properly manage or reconcile the controversies. States which now represent the old civilizations and cultures , though showing some formal enthusiasm to open dialogue between them, with a view to avoid the ominous prediction of Huntington's " clash of civilizations." But in practice, they don't seem to be prepared to subscribe to its requirement by relinquishing their material short run interests in favor of long-lasting peace benefits. Thus, globalization seems to proceed its path through almost every highway in the world with no permission from anybody,while no single actor can change its direction or momentum.

Finally, chapter ten brings this book to an end by attempting to search for an alternative paradigm suitable for the post-political era and capable to fill the gaps and



methodological as well as theoretical deficiencies of past and existing tools and theories. The main argument of this chapter has been originally exposed in my other book titled Globalization of Culture and Politics , which has not yet come out of print at this very moment. In fact,the replacement of political theory by cultural paradigm , which itself is not indeed a new invention, has been explained in that book as an inevitable trend toward cultural pluralism of the 21st century. As mentioned above, the shadow of globalization has forced cultures and civilizations to react against any forces that tend to undermine their existence and identity. Therefore , it appears that cultural theory is in a better position to replace other positivistic and behavioral approaches to manage vast array of problems and controversies in the post-political world.

The road has many turnings beyond which it is difficult to see. The author does not expect much chances that the The End of Politics might generate academic debate . But, it would be quite rewarding to this pen if it could awaken clever minds to give a bit of attention to what has been argued in this book and perhaps to reflect some critical comments which may be used to further polish the theory.

There is no doubt that acceptance or rejection of a theory or hypothesis depend on their resistance to falsification, as Karl Popper argued. But , as we stated before , normative theories, such as "the end of politics" discussed in this book, rarely respond to empirical tests for validity. Therefore , the tenability of such a proposition as well as the suggested alternative paradigm, i.e. the cultural theory, shall be tested in actual situations we encounter during the coming years of the 21st century.



The author humbly submit that what has been written in this book is far from being unique, complete and all-encompassing. This is to mean that other scholars and thinkers shall follow the suit and instead of accepting the existing body of useless knowledge, completely unrelated to our revolutionary age , ponder upon new and unconventional ways for understanding the complexities of our time for the purpose of managing human affairs. Only by so doing ,we may insure a safe transition of mankind to the 21st century.


References:

(1)- John R. Gibbins and Bo Reimer, The Politics of Post-Modernity, London : Sage Publications ( 1999). (2)- John Gibbinns - (ed.), Contemporary Political Culture: Politics in a Post-Modern Age, London:Sage Publications (1989)
(3 ) - C. J. Fox and H. T. Miller, Post-Modern Public Administration: Towards a Discourse, London: Sage (1995). (4) - Honi F. Haber, Beyond Post-Modern Politics: Lyotard, Rorty and Foucault, London: Routledge (1994)

Friday, September 17, 1999

Environmental Impacts of Iraq's War against Kuwait

Aggression - Related Damage to Iran’s Environment:
Factual Basis of Causation





Ali-Asghar Kazemi

Professor of International Law , Legal Counsel








A. Iraq’s Aggression Against the Environment
1/ Intentional Discharge of Oil
2/ Oil Wells Destruction and Abasement

B. Release of Radioactive and Toxic Material to the
Environment

C. Damage to Various Environmental Components
1/ Damage to Terrestrial Resources
2/ Damage to Marine and Coastal Resources

D. Environmental Impacts of the Exodus of Iraqi
Refugees into Iran


A. Iraq’s Aggression against the Environment

Iraq’s act of aggression against sovereignty and independence of Kuwait and its atrocities during the occupation period against people, public and private property, wanton destruction of cities, towns, etc. are normally categorized among crimes against peace, and war crimes. But, Iraqi aggression against the environment, which is a common heritage of mankind, is considered as crime against humanity (1). This is because environment belongs to mankind as a whole and not necessarily any particular State. Yet, sovereign States, enjoy territorial rights over their natural resources at sea, on land and coastal zones (2).

Iraq’s activities that caused direct environmental impacts and damage to Iran, as well as other countries, in the proximity of the war zone, are listed below:


1/ Intentional Discharge of Oil

On January 20, 1991 the Iraqi men of war and agents opened Kuwait pipeline at Mina Al-Ahmadi Sea Island Terminal and released an estimated 4-6 million barrels of oil to the Southern Kuwait Coast.

About 3.5 million barrels of oil were discharged from Iraqi tankers near the terminal(3). Estimates of the total amount of oil discharged and spilled from various sources into the Persian Gulf, near Iranian Coastal Zones and Exclusive Economic Zones, range from 6-8 million barrels(4). Predominant winds and currents pushed that slick towards Iranian coasts, causing unprecedented pollution to internal waters, bays and ports. These releases of oil to the Persian Gulf, containing toxic substance, aromatic organic compounds such as benzene, toluene, xylene, etc., represent an actual and potential source of damage to the coastal zone, mangrove forests, marine ecosystems, as well as public health through the ingestion of contaminated volatized organic components.


2/ Oil Wells Destruction and Abasement

It is now officially confirmed that, Iraqi forces, under direct orders from Iraqi leader, detonated explosives at 798 Kuwaiti oil wells, of which 604 burned and 45 gushed oil to the desert surface. An estimated 2 to 7.5 million barrels of oil were consumed each day in the fires before the last oil well fire was extinguished on November 06, 1991.

The fall out of smoke, oil mist, soot and black rain from the fires settled on Iran’s marine and terrestrial environment. Among the hazardous constituents of the oil are volatile organic compounds (VOCs), aliphatic hydrocarbons, PAHs, nickel, and vanadium, all of which are hazardous to human and natural environment.
The airborne residues from the oil well fires represent the most pervasive contaminants that resulted from the aggressive act of Iraq, as they deposited on the terrestrial, coastal marine surface and seabed. In some cases they went as far as mountainous areas, west and southwest of Iran, covered with snow and natural glaciers (5), leading to unusual environmental consequences, such as flooding, drought and therefore negative effects on forage, medical plantation, etc. The residues have also penetrated deep into the soil and subsoil, contaminating water sources and ground water.

B. Release of Radioactive and Toxic Material to the Environment

According to informed sources, during the Persian Gulf War, Iraqi nuclear reactor in Tuwaitha was attacked by airplanes and missiles. It was reported that the reactors were operational (in full power), and had they been hit at that time, another catastrophe to the environment would have taken place. (See Iraqi report to the Special Session of the General Assembly on Environment and Development, 23-27 June 1997, in Exhibit 6).

In addition, it was also revealed(6) that during the Allied military campaign radiological weapons were used against Iraq’s forces in the southern front, near Iranian territory (7) .

Depleted Uranium (DU) is used in the guidance system of precision guided munitions (PGM). When DU rounds impact with a hard surface, it emits radioactive and toxic substances which are harmful for the environment and present a serious health hazard.

Iraqi sources report that after many years the long-term effects started to appear(8). The statistical data presented by Iraq in its National Report to the Special Session of the General Assembly on Environment and Development (23-27 June, 1997) (9), regarding unusual increase of cancer cases corroborate with WHO publications and the result of international research and studies on the impact of ionizing radiation.

A UNEP mission, asked to assess the impact of military operations against Iraq, on the terrestrial ecosystem concluded inter alia:
· Some toxic chemical were spilled into soil and into running streams, when several industrial factories were bombarded.
· Agricultural products, crops and livestock, were very adversely affected.
· Rangelands and deserts were drastically affected and degraded.
· Large mammals, especially the gazelle population were also more adversely affected.
· After this extensive destruction, the components of the ecosystem changed (10).


Given the contiguity of the war zone to Iran’s territory, and based on preliminary environmental assessment in western region of Iran, the negative impact of radioactive material and toxic chemical released to Iran’s environment and the whole ecosystem is quite flagrant. Further environmental quality monitoring programs are being carried by specialists.






C. Damage to Various Environmental Components


1/ Damage to Terrestrial Resources

I. R. Iran has received much pollution because of it’s contiguity with Kuwait and frequently dominate favoring winds carrying heavy loads of contaminating pollutants. There are numerous published articles regarding wide spread pollution in the region, especially in southern provinces of Iran (Penner, 1991; JICA Report, 1991; Small, 1991; National Geography Society, 1991; Barnaby, 1991; WMO Report, 1991 and Browning, et. all. 1992). Report of WMO (1991) explains in detail the kinds, concentration and distribution of various pollutants resulted from Kuwaiti oil well fires. Meteorological synoptic maps of 700 and 800 HPA provided by the IRIMO, also confirms the precipitation of polluted rain (as black rain) in southern and southwestern provinces of Iran, especially, Khuzestan, Fars, Bushehr, Charmahal and Bakhtiari, Kohkeluyeh and Boyer Ahmad, Hormozgan and Kerman (See Exhibits 2 and 6).

Fossil fuels are of main polluting factors contributing to environmental destruction. This is known worldwide based on studies performed. Such contaminating pollutants affect various ecosystems via direct contacts with aerial part of plants and or indirectly via wet and dry depositions.
Evaluation of dry deposited pollutants was not accomplished because of a lack of proper instrumentation, but, wide distribution of pollutants in many parts of Iran has been established through measurements performed on wet deposited substances, especially in black rain. Results of analyses carried out on samples of black rain collected from southern provinces of Iran indicate severe atmospheric pollution depositions on natural resources there.

Calculations reveal that at least 2 million tons of organic hydrocarbons, soot and pollutants have been deposited in above provinces. This amount of pollutants represents only 20% of the sedimentation load possible. Associated heavy metals, e.g. Pb. Cd and V and dangerously poisonous PAHs, sulfates, chlorides and ... are deposited as well. It is reminded that the complete versions of research reports regarding type, concentration and distribution of pollutants are presented as scientific documents in appendices.

Destructive effects of environmental pollution to natural resources of Iran:

1. Vegetation cover: Soot deposition associated with oil droplets caused serious physical and biological damage to plants, especially to annual forage and medicinal plants. Damages include reduction in photosynthesis, primary productivity, seed production and forage value. In many instances, necrosis of leaves, desiccation and death of plants occurred very extensively. Similar losses have been reported for Kuwait(11).

2. Forest trees: In addition to short-term physical damage, long-term ecological effects on forest trees is experienced by cycling of pollutants throughout the food

chain and also by changes in chemical equilibrium of soil and water. Extensive researches carried out in Germany indicate the severe damaging potentials of fossil fuels on forest trees(12). These studies have shown that increased levels of fossil fuel gasses, such as, SO-x, NOx, and .... cause changes in photosynthetic potentials, necrosis of leaves, increased susceptibility against pathogens and insects and freezing of aerial parts of plants. Also, changes in chemical balance of soil and water cause damage to root hairs of trees and thus, bring about wilting and drying of trees in industrial areas of Europe.

3. Soil-Deposition: The deposition of more than 2 million tons of polluting compounds, consequent of the Persian Gulf war, in terrestrial ecosystems of Iran caused imbalance in C:N ratio; changed soil texture and polluted underground water resources with dangerous pollutants such as Pb and Cd and dissolved organic carbons (PAHs). Levels of polluting compounds discussed are based on sample taken by WHO’s experts field survey in Iran, analyzed in WHO Laboratories in Geneva.

In researches performed on black rain, the number of samples was limited. However, since the source of all pollutants carried out to Iran is the burning oil wells of Kuwait; and the nature and concentration of pollutants resembles those obtained from WHO sample analyzed in Geneva, only few samples of black rain from each province were analyzed.


In a Research carried out in southern regions of Iran, samples of soil and water from 10 stations were analyzed. Results indicated increased levels of heavy metals and hydrocarbons in soil and water. Therefore, soil contamination and pollution of billions of m3 of surface and underground waters are other clear evidences of repeated pollution episodes taken place because of black rain.

2. Damage to Marine and Coastal Resources

Direct release of more than 1 million tons of oil from Kuwaiti island terminals into the Persian Gulf caused extensive pollution to water and coastal regions of the Persian Gulf (13). Direct exchange of water between waters of Iran and that of Kuwait region in the Persian Gulf (14) near Bushehr and Khuzestan transported considerable quantities of drifted oil slick towards Iranian coasts; this caused heavy pollution in affected areas.

1. Pollution in Shadegan Wetland: Shadegan wetland with an approximate area of 200,000 Km2 is located in the southwestern part of the Khuzestan province. This area was severely polluted with oil to such a degree that even after 6 years, remnants of deposited oil is still visible at higher elevated areas of it and on plant surfaces. These polluted areas release weathered and degraded pollutants gradually with diurnal tidal activity; and thus, marshland is completely affected by a micro-layer of oil routinely. Experiments performed on Shadegan water and soil quality, indicated the contamination to greater levels of oil and heavy metals associated with oil hydrocarbons.

Shadegan saltmarsh is a protected area under Ramsar convention. It is one of the most important habitats for migrating birds. It is also a genetic resource for some of the unique and rare species of birds. Many aquatic biota also migrate to this marshland for breeding. Therefore, it is an important stock habitat for such biota. Additionally, other animals, e. g. buffalo, feed extensively in this marshland. Reduced number of migrating bird populations in years following the Kuwaiti oil well fires and reduced nutrition availability in the marshland are clear evidences of heavy contamination. Urgent and extensive recovery measures are to be implemented.

2. Coastal Regions: Northern coasts of the Persian Gulf along the Iranian side include extensive sandy-muddy, and rocky shores. Many of these areas are important fishing ground of shrimp, lobster, fish and other biota for many natives. As it is evident from colored photographs (See Exhibit 3-I), about 300 Km2 of Iranian coastal regions are polluted with various kinds of asphalt, tar balls and weathered oil. Reduced fishing in estuaries and death of individual or groups of fish are important evidences the presence of heavy oil pollution. These areas need serious clean-up.

3. Mangrove Forests: Mangrove forests of Iran constitute about 75-80 % of the total mangrove coverage of the Persian Gulf. These are important breeding areas for more than 80 % of shrimp species (15).

Studies conducted by the Office of Research and Education of Fishery Department of Iran indicate the severe pollution to heavy metals in sediments of mangrove forests following the Iraq-Kuwait war. Remnants of oil pollution are still visible among trees; and reduced stocks, especially benthic communities, are registered over past years.

D. Environmental Impacts of the Exodus of Iraqi Refugees into Iran

Another war-related environmental damage, which Iran incurred during and after the Persian Gulf War, was the forced exodus of about two million Iraqis into Western Iran(16). They have been settled in many camps established mainly in the Iranian provinces of Western Azarbaijan, Kurdistan, Bakhtaran and Ilam. With more than 3 million refugees from Afghanistan and 250,000 Kurds whom this country took earlier, the refugee pressure became intolerable(17).

The already unfavorable environmental condition in the Zagros mountainous areas, where the refugees were settled, have further worsened. The increased pressure on rangelands has caused their biological degradation. The need for forage to feed refugees’ livestock and cultivable land forced the people to cut trees, remove brush and plough the higher steeper lands. When the protective cover of native vegetation was removed, the bare soil became vulnerable to erosion, and already high erosion rates have been further intensified. The arrival of newcomers and increased water requirement caused also many damage to the irrigation canals and water supply systems. The forests have been exposed to higher degradation; trees have been cut for fuel and timber, or to obtain cultivable lands or construction sites.

The Government of Iran prepared plans for rehabilitation of the areas mostly affected by refugees influx, comprising watershed management, soil and water conservation, rangeland rehabilitation, afforestation, land husbandry improvement, establishing of seed centers and nurseries, programs for extension and involvement of local communities.

The main cause of mass movement of Iraqi Kurds and Arab refugees into Iran was the aggressive intentions of Iraqi leadership, who systematically subjugated people of Shiite and Kurdish background prior to the invasion of Kuwait. During the 1990-1991 war, specially after Allied intervention for liberation of Kuwait, Iraqi political apparatus put all the pressure they could, upon these people, in order to deter and intimidate coalition forces of military intervention and to put the blame on them for the destruction of eastern regions of Iraq.

Since Iran had declared its neutrality during the Second Persian Gulf War, the inhabitant of Iraq eastern front, had no choice but to take refuge into neutral Iran, where they could live in tranquillity during the war. Iranian authorities allowed them and their livestock to move deep inside the country, as a humanitarian gesture. The refugees dispersed into four provinces in the west of Iran, namely; Western Azarbaijan, Kurdistan, Bakhtaran (Kermanshahan), and Ilam(18). The ecological conditions in the areas where refugees settled, have been severely affected and damaged because of the mass influx of Iraqi


nationals and their livestock. Iraqi sheep and goats needed grazing, and thus exerted enormous pressure upon rangelands, forests and agricultural lands. The people also needed fuel for heating during cold seasons and food preparation. As a result, trees and forests have been systematically and extensively destroyed.

Size of affected areas and population (prior to refugee influx) is shown in tables below:

Province Size (Sq. Km) Population (Million)
Western Azarbaijan 43,660 1.5
Kurdistan 31,383 1
Bakhtaran (Kermanshahan) 24,549 1
Ilam 18,162 0.25

The rangelands in the cited provinces occupy about 2 million hectares distributed as follows:

Province Rangeland (ha)
Western Azarbaijan 600,000
Kurdistan 700,000
Bakhtaran (Kermanshahan) 400,000
Ilam 300,000

An estimated cost of environmental damage and depletion of natural resources in the above affected areas is provided in Exhibit 5 of this Statement and relevant data and tables are included in the same Exhibits.


Notes

(1) This classification is derived from the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal. see e.g. M. E. Bathurst, “The United Nations War Crimes Commission”, 39 American Journal of International Law (1945), pp. 565-57.

(2) See e.g. Draft Rules Concerning Changes in the Environment of the Earth, David Davies Memorial Institute of International Studies (London: 1964); Stockholm Declaration on the Human Environment, June 16, 1972. See also UN General Assembly Resolution 2158 (XXI) on Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources, November 25, 1966.


(3) Oil releases also occurred at Mina Al-Bakr terminal, the Mina Al-Su’ud refinery, and from various tankers damaged by the allied forces during the liberation of Kuwait.

(4) Satellite images taken on January 25, 1991 indicates that the resulting initial oil slick was approximately 50 km long and 8 km wide (See satellite pictures in the annex).

(5) As mentioned earlier, the deposit of black substance on snowy mountains and natural glaciers, caused quick melting, due to sunshine absorption, which in turn caused flooding and soil erosion. See reports of Iranian alpinists, endorsed by the Iranian Federation of Alpinists.

(6) See e.g.: Grace Bukowski, et. al. “Uranium Battlefields, Home and Abroad” (Depleted Uranium used by US Department of Defense) March 1993, Eric Hoskins, “US Uranium Shells Used in the Gulf War May be Killing Iraqi Children”, New York Times, January 21, 1993.

(7) It was reported by the Middle East News Agency on November 30, 1993 that a number of Iraqi soldiers and civilians were killed by depleted Uranium shells either directly or due to exposure to its radiation. It was also quoted from David Rifkind, the British ex-Minister of Defense, in his letter No. DS/S/SS0962/94M of December 06, 1994 addressed to Sir Malcolm Steel, MP, that British troops used 88 round of depleted Uranium in the war against Iraq.


(8) See ‘Impact of War and Embargo on Environment in Iraq’, A National Report presented by Republic of Iraq to the Special Session of the General Assembly on Environment and Development. 23-27 June, 1997. The health effects reported in the document include cancer, congenital anomalies, abortion, neuropathy and myopathy.

(9) ibid. The report says that increase in leukemia, lung cancer, etc. were observed. Furthermore, the increase in these types of cancer took place within three years after the war. Increase in abortion and congenital anomalies cases are also considered to be the rapid consequence of exposure to radiation.

(10) c.f. ibid

(11) Report of the UN Secretary General. 1991

(12) These researches have been carried out mainly in developed industrial countries (especially Germany)

(13) WMO Report, 1991. (14) Reynolds, 1992. Marine Pollution Bulletin. Pp. 305

(15) Savari, A. 1996. Report to MJS (Doc. 40)

(16) For detail see: Pavlovic and Behbahani, Environmental Impacts of the Exodus of Iraqi Kurds into Western Iran, Project done under the sponsorship of UNDP. (Exhibit 6) (17) Only a minor portion of the promised help from abroad has been delivered.


(18) Some of the refugees moved even further to the east into the provinces of Hamedan and Zanjan. These refugees were settled in the camps built by Iranian Red Crescent and other local authorities in the areas around many cities: Orumieh, Mahabad, Sardasht, Saqez, Marivan, Piranshahr, Naghade, Baneh, Oshnavieh, Gilan-e-Gharb, Sumar, etc. See ibid (Exhibit 6). Vol. 3.